This study focuses on communication and conceptions of obstetric care to address the postulates that immigrant women experience sensitive care through the use of an ethnically congruent interpreter and that such women prefer to meet health providers of the same ethnic and gender profile when in a multiethnic obstetrics care setting. During 2005-2006, we conducted in-depth interviews in Greater London with immigrant women of Somali and Ghanaian descent and with White British women, as well as with obstetric care providers representing a variety of ethnic profiles. Questions focused on communication and conceptions of maternity care, and they were analyzed using qualitative techniques inspired by naturalistic inquiry. Women and providers across all informant groups encountered difficulties in health communication. The women found professionalism and competence far more important than meeting providers from one's own ethnic group, while language congruence was considered a comfort. Despite length of time in the study setting, Somali women experienced miscommunication as a result of language barriers more than did other informants. An importance of the interpreter's role in health communication was acknowledged by all groups; however, interpreter use was limited by issues of quality, trust, and accessibility. The interpreter service seems to operate in a suboptimal way and has potential for improvement.

We explored the perceptions of 39 Somali women and 62 obstetric care providers in London in relation to caesarean birth, as borne out of a paradox we recognised from evidence-based information about the Somali group. Socio-cultural factors potentially leading to adverse obstetric outcome were identified using in-depth and focus group interviews with semistructured, open-ended questions. A cultural anthropology model, the emic/etic model, was used for analysis. Somali women expressed fear and anxiety throughout the pregnancy and identified strategies to avoid caesarean section (CS). There was widespread, yet anecdotal, awareness among obstetric care providers about negative Somali attitudes. Caesarean avoidance and refusal were expressed as being highly stressful among providers, but also as being the responsibility of the women and families. For women, avoiding or refusing caesarean was based on a rational choice to avoid death and coping with adverse outcome relied on fatalistic attitudes. Motivation for the development of preventive actions among both groups was not described, which lends weight to the vast distinction and lack of correspondence in identified perspectives between Somali women and UK obstetric providers. Early booking and identification of women likely to avoid caesarean is proposed, as is the development of preventive strategies to address CS avoidance.

Women from high-mortality settings in sub-Saharan Africa can remain at risk for adverse maternal outcomes even after migrating to low-mortality settings. To conceptualise underlying socio-cultural factors, we assume a 'maternal migration effect' as pre-migration influences on pregnant women's post-migration care-seeking and consistent utilisation of available care. We apply the 'three delays' framework, developed for low-income African contexts, to a high-income western scenario, and aim to identify delay-causing influences on the pathway to optimal facility treatment. We also compare factors influencing the expectations of women and maternal health providers during care encounters. In 2005-2006, we interviewed 54 immigrant African women and 62 maternal providers in greater London, United Kingdom. Participants were recruited by snowball and purposive sampling. We used a hermeneutic, naturalistic study design to create a qualitative proxy for medical anthropology. Data were triangulated to the framework and to the national health system maternity care guidelines. This maintained the original three phases of (1) care-seeking, (2) facility accessibility, and (3) receipt of optimal care, but modified the framework for a migration context. Delays to reciprocal care encounters in Phase 3 result from Phase 1 factors of 'broken trust, which can be mutually held between women and providers. An additional factor is women's 'negative responses to future care', which include rationalisations made during non-emergency situations about future late-booking, low-adherence or refusal of treatment. The greatest potential for delay was found during the care encounter, suggesting that perceived Phase 1 factors have stronger influence on Phase 3 than in the original framework. Phase 2 'language discordance' can lead to a 'reliance on interpreter service', which can cause delays in Phase 3, when 'reciprocal incongruent language ability' is worsened by suboptimal interpreter systems. 'Non-reciprocating care conceptualisations', 'limited system-level care guidelines', and 'low staff levels' can additionally delay timely care in Phase 3.

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