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Coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) is likely to have long-term mental health effects on individuals who have recovered from COVID-19. According to Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), individuals diagnosed with COVID-19 can see a range of long-term side effects. The aim of the study was to evaluate the effectiveness of neurotherapy (EEG neurofeedback and goal-oriented cognitive training) in the treatment of neurocognitive dysfunctions in a patient after the infection of SARS-CoV-2 and the long long-term side effects after the contraction of COVID-19. The 48-year-old woman ZR, an accountant by profession, an employee of the administration of the Municipal Board of Municipal Resources, fell ill on October 13, 2020. The disease began with very severe burning headache, eyeballs pain, muscle aches. Ten days later more symptoms joined: loss of smell (anosmia) and loss of taste (ageusia), hearing disorders, shortness of breath and chest pains. The symptoms were associated with SARS-CoV-2 coron- avirus infection confirmed by an rt-PCR genetic test. Brain MRI with intravenous paramagnetic contrast medium injection did not show either lesions of acute microischemic significance or areas of pathological enhancement after paramagnetic contrast medium ad- ministration. The patient was treated at home. In mid-November 2020, about a month after the infection of SARS-CoV-2 and con- tracting NeuroCOVID-19, neurocognitive impairment developed and after half a year she was deteriorating and not able to live in- dependently in society because of her condition. She called her problem "brain fog", and was referred for further diagnosis and therapy to the Reintegration and Training Center of the Polish Neuropsychological Society. We diagnosed a range of long-term side effects and introduced neurotherapy (EEG neurofeedback and goal-oriented cognitive training) in the treatment of neurocognitive dysfunctions. It was found that almost all the long-term side effects were reduced in magnitude. The patient improved and she was able to return to work. EEG neurofeedback and goal-oriented cognitive training might be helpful in the reduction of neurocognitive dysfunctions in patients following the infection of SARS-CoV-2 and long-term side effects after the contraction of COVID-19.

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While political parties provide a key channel for political representation, organised interests can also be an important mechanism. A valid question is whether a system of interest groups is capable of ensuring the representation of a variety of public and private interests. Addressing this conundrum requires data that map the essential traits of organised interest groups in a given country, including their number (density) and types (diversity). This article explores the density and composition of the Polish system of organised interests. The previously unexplored system-level approach delivers insights into the nature of the system and also provides a framework for the subsequent conceptualisation of advocacy and lobbying dynamics.A CORNERSTONE OF ANY DEMOCRATIC SOCIETY IS THE CAPACITY for its citizens to have a political voice, so that they 'can express their views, preferences, and interests to political institutions and hold public officials to account' (Fraussen & Halpin 2016, p. 476). Although political representation is achieved through voting for or joining and supporting political parties, elections are rare occurrences (every four years in Poland) and scholars question the participatory character of parties (Marsh 2006). The welldocumented debate regarding the transformation of party-political systems in Western democracies (expressed through, for example, electoral volatility and the fragmentation of party landscapes) and dissatisfaction with the representative system of government, has pushed scholars to explore the role of interest groups as mechanisms of political expression (Fraussen & Halpin 2016). 1 Against this background, it is crucial to examine the potential of the interest group system to address these democratic challenges and whether it can ensure the representation of a variety of public and private interests, namely who is mobilised, who is politically active, and who has access to the policy process (Lowery et al. 2015). The composition of the group system-its density and diversity-is an important way to judge such questions. It