This paper analyses the use of the online environment within the context of the Polish parliamentary election of 2011. Using traditional methods of content analysis we find that parties tend to adhere to a professionalised model of campaigning, adapting online tools to suit the objectives of the campaign. There also appears to be a recognition that their most likely visitors would be converts and so they attempt to mobilise supporters rather than convert browsers. New parties and candidates are more likely to target browsers; the latter offering a more personalised experience to online visitors. Importantly, when analysing the outcome of the contest we find that being online matters for candidates when controlling for all other variables. Equally the reach the candidate has, which may well influence their vote share, is dependent on offering a more personalised, representational image and having a frequently updated online presence that should encourage repeat visits. Cumulatively we suggest the future of online campaigning must not only focus on having a presence but using it in a way that appeals to a range of visitors, encouraging repeat visits, and that this strategy could have a positive impact on election outcomes.

Adding to the growing scholarship on the use and role of social media in election campaigning, this article examines and compares the character and determinants of Internet users' engagement with political party communication in 2013 and 2015 Parliamentary election campaigns in Czechia and Poland. Apart from the relationship between the thematic focus of party-produced content and the level of users' interactivity, the study also explores the way the tonality of users' comments is influenced by different types of party communication, as well as by users' gender. The results suggest that the level of support for a party status is largely independent of the content of the message in both countries. The type of content has, however, an effect on the intensity of criticism by the users, with policy-related subjects generating more negativity than mobilization-or campaign-oriented statuses. Finally, the study points to both gender gaps and gender as a strong predictor of user negativity, as female users-while constituting a minority of participants in both countries-tend to be significantly less negative in their comments towards the home party. Overall, the comparative study reveals both similarities and differences in the way Czech and Polish parties utilize Facebook as campaign platform, as well as in their respective Internet users' engagement with parties messages.

This introductory overview opens the series of articles included in the issue entitled Media and Illiberal Democracy in Central and Eastern Europe, and sets the scene for the debate on the relationship between illiberal trends in politics and media landscapes in the region. Drawing on existing scholarship, it traces the roots and the evolution of illiberalism, focusing the discussion within the confines of particularities of media landscapes. Through the introduction of articles addressing manifestations of illiberalism in media landscapes, it argues that "illiberal turn" in Central and Eastern Europe is part of a global political shift, rather than a regional one.

In this article, we examine how media policy changes aid dedemocratisation in Poland. Unfolding the logic underpinning the new politics of media regulations, this article argues that media policy paints a nuanced picture of democratic backsliding. Our Foucault-inspired discourse analysis of media policy archive focuses on the rise of illiberal trends at the cross-roads of the Polish hybrid media system, democracy and society. We find these trends display the features of centralisation of power, cultural politics, political partisanship and social polarisations. We explain these notions, using the concepts of "executive aggrandisement" and "politicisation" of public service media sector.

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