Our aim was to investigate whether receiving a false positive (FP) cervical cytology result affected subsequent cervical cancer screening participation. This Danish nationwide register-based cohort study included 502,380 women aged 22.5–45 attending cervical cancer screening in 2012–2014 with a normal (n = 501,003) or FP (n = 1,377) cytology screening result. A FP result was defined as a cervical cytology showing high grade cytological abnormalities followed by a normal or ‘Cervical Intraepithelial Neoplasia grade 1’ biopsy result. Women were categorized as subsequent participants if they had a cervical cytology within 24–42 months after their last screening or surveillance test. We compared subsequent participation among women with a normal versus a FP result, using odds ratios including 95% confidence intervals. Participation was slightly higher among women with FP results than among women with normal results (71.5% vs. 69.2%, p = 0.058). After adjustment for age and screening history, women with FP results participated significantly more than women with normal results (OR: 1.19, 95% CI 1.06–1.35). Women receiving a FP result did not participate less in subsequent cervical cancer screening than women receiving a normal result. In fact, the use of opportunistic screening seemed to be increased among women receiving a FP result.

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Background Guidelines on colorectal cancer (CRC) screening recommend screening of average-risk adults only. In addition, screening of individuals with active inflammatory bowel disease (IBD) might result in too many false-positive cases. However, the organisers of CRC screening programmes are often uninformed of whom to exclude due to an elevated CRC risk or active IBD. It is therefore unknown how often high-risk individuals (i.e. individuals with a previous diagnosis of CRC or polyps associated with hereditary CRC syndromes and certain patient groups with a diagnosis of inflammatory bowel disease (IBD) or multiple polyps) and individuals with active IBD participate in CRC screening following invitation. Materials and methods We used data from the first two years of the Danish CRC screening programme (2014–2015). Information on invitations, participations and FIT test results were obtained from the national screening database, while information on previous CRC, hereditary CRC syndromes, IBD or multiple polyps diagnoses were obtained from the Danish Cancer Registry and the Danish Patient Register. Screening participation rates and FIT-positive rates were calculated and compared for high-risk invitees, invitees having IBD and an average risk group of remaining invitees not diagnosed with colorectal polyps in 10 years preceding the invitation. Results When invited to CRC screening, 28–48% of high-risk residents (N: 29; 316; 5584) and 55% of residents with IBD (N: 2217; 6927) chose to participate. The participation rate was significantly higher (67%) among residents without previous colorectal disease, i.e. the average risk group (N = 585,624). In this average group 6.7% of the participants had a positive FIT test. The proportion of positive FIT results was higher among all disease groups (7.7–14.8%), though not statistically significant for participants with prior CRC diagnosis and participants with high-risk IBD. Conclusion When high-risk residents and residents with IBD receive an invitation to CRC screening, many participate despite being recommended not to. The screening program was not intended for these groups and further research is needed as several of these groups have a higher rate of positive screening result than the average risk population.

CITTASLOW AS CITYBRAND – THE STRUGGLE OF REGAINING LOCAL HETEROGENEITYThis article illustrates how city branding is the new “tool” to orchestrate the city to attract the attention of tourists, inhabitants and investors. The specific object of analysis in this article is Svendborg, which is a very interesting case because the town is the first in Denmark to brand itself as a Cittaslow. Today there are about 120 Cittaslows all over the world. The Cittaslow movement was founded in Italy in 1999, inspired by the “Slow Food” movement, which was also founded in Italy as a contrast to the fast-food culture and the increasing Americanisation of our society. Through this article I will describe and analyse the Cittaslow movement. In a wider cultural perspective, I will also illustrate the way in which we can understand the will to be a “slow city” as part of a new interesting discourse with “slowness” being valued as the new rationale in a global world which is growing increasingly fast and changeable. On the other hand, I will also discuss how we can understand the Cittaslow movement as a contrast to the increasingly mono-cultural world because the slow city tries to reclaim the importance of local identity and cultural plurality.