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The article outlines a theoretical framework for conceptualising adult educationand more broadly, lifelong learningas a common good. It argues that the extent to which adult education as a common good is accomplished in a given society/country reflects its accessibility, availability, affordability, and the social commitment to its functioning, and that it depends on a country's specific institutional arrangements. Building on this conceptualisation and using data from the Adult Education Survey, the Labour Force Survey and the Continuing Vocational Training Survey for 24 European countries, the authors develop a composite index, based on these four dimensions, which measures the extent to which adult education as a common good is practiced in a given country. This index can be used to assess the effectiveness of national policies in the sphere of adult education across Europe. The results indicate substantial cross-country differences in the extent to which adult education as a common good is realised, with North European states scoring best and Romania scoring worst. Finally, applying cluster analysis, the article identifies six distinctive clusters of countries with regard to the extent of adult education as a common good; the authors designate these cluster categories as reality, feasible, ambiguous, problematic, possible and invisible.

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to explore how individual and macro-level factors shape the work–life balance of young men and women across European countries.Design/methodology/approachThe paper combines macro-level data from the official statistics with individual-level data from the Work, Family and Wellbeing (2010/2011) module of the European Social Survey. The study uses multilevel modelling to explore the factors which shape the work–life balance of men and women aged 15–34 across 24 European countries.FindingsThe findings show both differences and similarities between young men and women in how education shapes work–life balance. Higher education increases the likelihood of considering work–life balance as important in work selection for men, while lower education decreases the odds of considering this balance for women. More education is associated with lower acceptance of the traditional norm, for both men and women, and less time spent on housework. Higher share of family benefits decreases the importance of work–life balance, more so for men than for women. Work–life balance is more important for men living in conservative, Mediterranean and post-socialist welfare regimes compared to those from social-democratic regimes.Social implicationsThe policy implications are to more closely consider education in the transformation of gender-sensitive norms during earlier stages of child socialization and to design more holistic policy measures which address the multitude of barriers individuals from poor families and ethnic/migrant background face.Originality/valueThe study contributes to existing literature by applying the capability approach to the empirical investigation of work–life balance. The analytical model contains three dimensions – norms about paid/unpaid work, considering work–life balance in the choice of employment and time spent on unpaid work. Through this approach, we are able to uncover the agency inequality of young people taking into account individual level characteristics, including gender, education, ethnicity and macro-level factors.