Societies produce the space in which they operate through social practices that visualize, administer, and use lands and resources. Because Native peoples have held relatively little political power, their ability to influence the production of space has received little attention. Yet the superimposition of Euro-Canadian social practices onto Native spaces rarely erased native spatiality, but rather created a territory made up of shared and hybrid spaces which resulted from the interaction of Native and Euro-Canadian societies. This paper suggests that the social processes involved in the production of space are perhaps most visible when two parties are negotiating the allocation and management of lands and resources. In the 1970s the Tl'azt'en engaged in negotiations over the construction of a railway through their territory. Through the negotiations Jl'azt'en social and economic goals were inscribed to a significant degree in the spatial organization of the territory. Like current treaty negotiations, the 1970s negotiations involved compromises by both parties, and resulted in the creation of new hybrid social spaces which reflected the goals and strategies of both groups. Les societes produisent l'espace dans lequel elles operent a travers des pratiques sociales qui visualisent, administrent et utilisent les terres et les ressources. Parceque les peuple Natifs ont eu relativement peu de pouvoir politique, leur capacite a influenter la production de l'espace a recu peu d'attention. Cependant, /'imposition de pratiques sociales Euro-Canadiennes sur les espaces Natfs a rarement efface la spatialite indigene, mais a plutitCree un territoire compose d'espaces partages et h ybrides, resultat de l'interaction des societes indigenes et Euro-Canadiennes. Cet expose suggere que les procedes sociaux impliques dans la production de I'espace sont peut-irre plus visibles quand deux partis negocient l'allocation et la gestion des terres et des ressources. Dans les annees 70, le peuple Tl'azt'en s'est engage dans des negociations au sujet de la construction d'un chemin de fer a travers leur territoire. Dans ces negociations, les buts sociaux et economiques du Tl'azt'en furent inscrits a un degre significatif dans l'organisation spatiale du territoire. Comme les presentes negociations de traite, les negociations des annees 1970 ont implique des compromis par les deux partis, et ont resulte a la creation de nouveaux espaces sociaux hybrides qui refletaient les buts et strategies des deux groupes.

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Orthodox constitutional principle as endorsed in the Kilbrandon Report (1973) portrays the British Crown Dependencies of Jersey, Guernsey and the Isle of Man as largely self-governing jurisdictions with independent legislative, executive and judicial functions. Despite being constitutional backwaters, they have found themselves in conflictual relationships with both the European Union and successive UK New Labour Administrations. The underlying cause of this marked decline in the constitutional interface has been their rapid development as offshore jurisdictions, which has placed strains on constitutional practices in the spheres of policy-making, scrutiny of draft insular primary legislation and representation in international fora. This paper is a critical evaluation of UK/Crown Dependencies constitutional and administrative relationships, taking as its focal point the recent UK House of Commons Justice Committee Report on the operational functioning of the interface. It finds there is a significant discrepancy between 'official' and 'operational reality' versions of these relationships.

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