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The "TV box," as it is colloquially known, is a specific type of over-the-top television streaming device that enables viewing of international television channels on the user's TV set. This article focuses on a distinct submarket of Android-based TV boxes (including both legal and pirate devices) that have emerged to service diasporic communities and that are sold informally in groceries, electronics stores, and online. Through a case study of Indian and South Asian TV box markets in Australia, we explore the distinctive business models, pricing structures, and anti-piracy enforcement strategies that characterize these markets. Our analysis shows how the TV box, notwithstanding its questionable legality, has become a global platform for what Naficy described as "decentralized global narrowcasting."The "TV box," as it is colloquially known, is a specific type of over-the-top (OTT) television streaming device that enables viewing of live, linear television channels on the user's TV set via an HDMI connection. TV boxes come in many different varieties; however, our focus here is on a distinct submarket of Android-based devices that have emerged primarily to service diasporic media audiences and which includes both licensed and pirate devices. ExamplesThe distinctive characteristic of the diasporic TV box, as we define it here, is its unique commodity form. TV boxes are sold on a one-off basis as plug-and-play devices, rather than on a subscription basis through telcos and pay-TV providers (although hybrid business models are now appearing, as discussed below). The typical scenario of buying a TV box involves paying cash to an agent or retailer, in return for a device promising unlimited access to hundreds of live channels for a fixed or indefinite period. There is no need to sign up to a provider, nor is there any exchange of customer details, credit card numbers, or personal data. The TV box's status as an "off-the-shelf" commodity, rather than an element of a subscription package, helps to explain its distinctive commercial ecology, which encompasses both formal and informal markets, and the spaces in between.

Purpose The predominant narrative is that contemporary organisations, motivated by economic-rationalist aspirations, adopt cloud applications on the premise of achieving cost-savings and efficiency gains. However, how they actually adopt and rollover such new or emerging technologies may be influenced by acts, patterns and processes of institutional legitimacy. Therefore, the purpose of this paper is to explore the dynamics surrounding decisions on how specific cloud applications are adopted from the context of institutional theory, with a particular focus on the concepts of coupling and decoupling. Design/methodology/approach To examine this phenomenon, two qualitative case studies, using a reflexive research approach, of an Australian and a Swedish university have been undertaken, both of which adopted commercial cloud applications for e.g. e-mail, collaboration and storage (as examples of software as a service) at different points in time. One of the universities was known for its early adoption of cloud applications, but had decelerated further deployment of such services, while the other, despite its conservative reputation, has made rapid strides in this regard. Findings The findings of the dual case studies reveal that organisations, contrary to economic-rationalist claims, may or may not decide to adopt particular commercial cloud-based offerings for the support of core operations, on the basis of how they perceive their institutional legitimacy being affected by a complex network of influential actors, both internally and in the external spaces. Therefore, this paper offers an institutional theory-based discourse and rich illustrations on how the role of technology is played out in enhancing relationships between an organisation and such actors in terms of legitimacy focusing acts of coupling and decoupling. Originality/value In the analysis and findings the authors, in a novel way, illustrate how organisations strive for: institutional legitimacy through acts of coupling, and the revelations of consequential decoupling. The value is based on a rich case description, analysis and application of institutional theory.

The COVID-19 pandemic has caused widespread disruptions in music industries globally, resulting in rapid cancellations of music festivals, concerts and club nights, and closure of international borders. The consequences of this pandemic have been especially dire for musicians, DJs and event promoters whose livelihoods and financial viability were tied largely to live performances. Within the independent music scenes in India, artists and event organizers rushed to social media and livestreaming platforms in their attempts to salvage brand visibility and explore monetization opportunities as drastic impositions of nationwide lockdowns came into effect. In a densely populated developing country rife with anxieties over exponential rates of COVID-19 infections, independent musicians in India have sought creative approaches to maintain visibility through digital platforms. Drawing on methods influenced by online ethnography, this article presents a discussion of how four professional Indian DJs explore and interrogate the affordances of various social media and livestreaming platforms in their efforts to remain artistically visible in the absence of state-initiated financial support and socially huddled dance-floors. The article offers insights into the triumphs, and trials and tribulations, experienced by independent musicians as they explore the material affordances of digital platforms at this critical moment in history.

The advent of the World Wide Web (WWW) and the emergence of Internet commerce have given rise to the web as a medium of information exchange. In recent years, the phenomenon has affected the realm of transaction processing systems, as organizations are moving from designing web pages for marketing purposes, to web-based applications that support business-to-business (WEB) and business-to-consumer (B2C) interactions, integrated with databases and other back-end systems (Isakowitz, Bieber et al., 1998). Furthermore, web-enabled applications are increasingly being used to facilitate transactions even between various business units within a single enterprise. Examples of some of the more popular web-enabled applications in use today include airline reservation systems, internet banking, student enrollment systems in universities, and Human Resource (HR) and payroll systems. The prime motive behind the adoption of web-enabled applications are productivity gains due to reduced processing time, decrease in the usage of paper-based documentation and conventional modes of communication (such as letters, fax, or telephone), and improved quality of services to clients. Indeed, web-based solutions are commonly referred to as customer-centric (Li, 2000), which means that they provide user interfaces that do not necessitate high level of computer proficiency. Thus, organizations implement such systems to streamline routine transactions and gain strategic benefits in the process (Nambisan & Wang, 1999), though the latter are to be expected in the long-term. Notwithstanding the benefits of web technology adoption, the web has ample share of challenges for initiators and developers. Many of these challenges are associated with the unique nature of web-enabled applications. Research in the area of web-enabled information systems has revealed several differences with traditional applications. These differences exist with regards to system development methodology, stakeholder involvement, tasks, and technology (Nazareth, 1998). According to Fraternali (1999), web applications are commonly developed using an evolutionary prototyping approach, whereby the simplified version of the application is deployed as a pilot first, in order to gather user feedback. Thus, web-enabled applications typically undergo continuous refinement and evolution (Ginige, 1998; Nazareth, 1998; Siau, 1998; Standing, 2001). Prototype-based development also leads web-enabled information systems to have much shorter development life cycles, but which, unlike traditional applications, are regrettably developed in a rather adhoc fashion (Carstensen & Vogelsang, 2001). However, the principal difference between the two kinds of applications lies in the broad and diverse group of stakeholders associated with web-based information systems (Gordijn, Akkermans, et al., 2000; Russo, 2000; Earl & Khan, 2001; Carter, 2002; Hasselbring, 2002; Standing, 2002; Stevens & Timbrell, 2002). Stakeholders, or organizational members participating in a common business process (Freeman, 1984), vary in their computer competency, business knowledge, language and culture. This diversity is capable of causing conflict between different stakeholder groups with regards to the establishment of system requirements (Pouloudi & Whitley, 1997; Stevens & Timbrell, 2002). Since, web-based systems transcend organizational, departmental, and even national boundaries, the issue of culture poses a significant challenge to the web systems’ initiators and developers (Miles & Snow, 1992; Kumar & van Dissel, 1996; Pouloudi & Whitley, 1996; Li & Williams, 1999).