IntroductionTobacco advertising is widespread in urban areas with racial/ethnic minority and low-income households that participate in nutrition assistance programs. Tobacco sales and advertising are linked to smoking behavior, which may complicate matters for low-income families struggling with disparate health risks relating to nutrition and chronic disease. We investigated the relationship between the amount and type of tobacco advertisements on tobacco outlets and the outlet type and location.MethodsBy using field visits and online images, we inspected all licensed tobacco retail outlets in Philadelphia (N = 4,639). Point pattern analyses were used to identify significant clustering of tobacco outlets and outlets with exterior tobacco advertisements. Logistic regression was used to analyze the relationship between the outlet’s acceptance of Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP) and Special Supplemental Nutrition Program for Women, Infants, and Children (WIC) and the presence of tobacco advertisements.ResultsTobacco outlets with exterior tobacco advertisements were significantly clustered in several high-poverty areas. Controlling for racial/ethnic and income composition and land use, SNAP and WIC vendors were significantly more likely to have exterior (SNAP odds ratio [OR], 2.11; WIC OR, 1.59) and interior (SNAP OR, 3.43; WIC OR, 1.69) tobacco advertisements than other types of tobacco outlets.ConclusionTobacco advertising is widespread at retail outlets, particularly in low-income and racial/ethnic minority neighborhoods. Policy makers may be able to mitigate the effects of this disparate exposure through tobacco retail licensing, local sign control rules, and SNAP and WIC authorization.

Background: Homeless youth in the United States have high rates of substance use. Existing research has identified social network composition and street-associated stressors as contributing factors. Incarceration is a highly prevalent stressor for homeless youth. Its effect on youth’s social network composition and substance use, however, has been neglected. Aims: This study investigated the direct and indirect associations between incarceration history and substance use (through social networks) among homeless youth in Los Angeles, California. Methods: A sample of 1,047 homeless youths were recruited between 2011 and 2013. Computerized self-administrated surveys and social network interviews were conducted to collect youth’s sociodemographic characteristics, incarceration history, social network composition, and substance use. Bootstrapping was used to identify the direct and indirect associations between youth’s incarceration history and substance use. Results: Incarceration history was positively associated with youth’s cannabis, methamphetamine, and injection drug use. The percentage of cannabis-using peers partially mediated the associations between incarceration history and youth’s cannabis, cocaine, and heroin use. The percentage of methamphetamine-using peers partially mediated the associations between incarceration history and youth’s methamphetamine, cocaine, and injection drug use. The percentage of heroin-using peers partially mediated the association between incarceration history and youth’s heroin use. Moreover, the percentage of peers who inject drugs partially mediated the associations between incarceration history and youth’s methamphetamine, heroin, and injection drug use. Discussion: Incarceration history should be taken to a more central place in future research and practice with homeless youth in the United States.

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This chapter examines how gender dynamics shape violent acts among Mexican American young adult males with a history of adolescent gang membership. We use the concept of hegemonic masculinity to examine the various ways that gender is performed in acts of violence (Connell, 1995). Masculinity is not a fixed entity or individual personality traits, masculinities are “configurations of practice that are accomplished in social action and, therefore, can differ according to the gender relations in a particular setting” (Connell & Messerschmidt, 2005:836). In other words, “gender identity is never a completed project, but always a developmental process which unfolds within a social context” (Messner, 1990:209). Nevertheless, the tendencies for aggression and violence are central to what it means to be masculine (Messerschmidt, 2000; Crowley, Foley et al., 2008) because “real men” must show others that they are not afraid (Kimmel, 2010). We examine the unfolding of masculine identity among disadvantaged Mexican American men in two different yet related contexts: violent acts with other men and the retelling of these violent acts. Among disadvantaged men, in general, social class is central to masculinity because these men are likely to have limited options in accomplishing their masculinity compared to men with more advantages (Britton, 2011; Messerschmidt, 1993; Stretesky & Pogrebin, 2007). The type of masculinity expressed by Mexican American males, more specifically, varies depending on a constellation of variables related to social class including income, generational status, education, and association with the criminal justice system (Rios, 2011; Valdez, 2007).