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This study examines the socio-demographic correlates of religious participation using data from the African American sub-sample of the National Survey of American Life (NSAL, 2001–2003). Twelve indicators of organizational religiosity, non-organizational religiosity, subjective religiosity, religious non-involvement and religious identity are examined. Both standard (e.g., age, gender) and novel (e.g., incarceration history, military service, welfare history, co-habitation, remarriage) demographic variables are utilized. Female gender, older age, being in a first marriage and Southern residency are consistently associated with higher religious involvement. Three significant differences between urban Southerners and rural Southerners indicate that rural Southerners were more likely to be official members of their church, read religious materials more frequently, and felt that religion was more important in their home during childhood than their urban Southern counterparts. Persons in cohabiting relationships and those who have been incarcerated report lower levels of organizational religious participation and feel less close to religious people (but are similar to their counterparts for non-organizational and subjective religiosity). Persons with previous military service read religious materials, pray, and request prayer from others less frequently (but are similar to their counterparts for organizational and subjective religiosity). Findings suggest that for stigmatized life circumstances (incarceration and cohabitation), social processes within religious institutions may inhibit organizational religious participation. This study contributes to the broader literature by focusing on subgroup differences in diverse forms of religious involvement within a large and nationally representative sample of African Americans and provides a more nuanced portrait of African American religious participation.

This study builds upon past studies of denominational culture and racial attitudes by positioning evangelicals as the basis of comparison when assessing denominational differences in American racial attitudes. The study also attempts to extend the theoretical contribution of religious culture and racial attitudes by assessing support for race-based policies among black, white, Hispanic, and Asian-American evangelical and nonevangelical Protestants. In short, arguments about a distinctive individualistic religious culture among evangelicals may be useful in explaining why white evangelicals maintain lower levels of support for policies aimed at reducing racial inequality than do mainline and secular whites. However, it is of less relevance in explaining the race-based policy attitudes of white evangelicals relative to white Catholics and among nonwhites as a whole.

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