Using geo-referenced case data, we present spatial and spatio-temporal cluster analyses of the early spread of the 2013–2015 chikungunya virus (CHIKV) in Dominica, an island in the Caribbean. Spatial coordinates of the locations of the first 417 reported cases observed between December 15th, 2013 and March 11th, 2014, were captured using the Global Positioning System (GPS). We observed a preponderance of female cases, which has been reported for CHIKV outbreaks in other regions. We also noted statistically significant spatial and spatio-temporal clusters in highly populated areas and observed major clusters prior to implementation of intensive vector control programs suggesting early vector control measures, and education had an impact on the spread of the CHIKV epidemic in Dominica. A dynamical identification of clusters can lead to local assessment of risk and provide opportunities for targeted control efforts for nations experiencing CHIKV outbreaks.

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No study of any modern Ainu group can be complete without an examination of the economic matrix within which the Ainu live, for it is in the economic sector that the Ainu community's minority status may be most clearly seen. One key to the low socioeconomic status of the Ainu is land. The purpose of this presentation is to determine how and to what extent the economic factor, including land reform, has affected Ainu social life. Our presentation will incorporate a discussion of the Meiji and postwar land policies, even though they are not the major focus of our study, because most of this information has not been made available in English. Ainu socioeconomic status 731these lands, but great areas of them were purchased from the Ainu and not returned. Nevertheless, from 1882 to 1885, the Japanese government distributed seed, agricultural implements, and roughly one hectare of land per Ainu household in the Sapporo and Nemuro regions. Officials were sent into these areas to teach the Ainu proper farming methods. However, toward the end o f the decade, the Meiji government ran into financial difficulties because Japan and China had become rivals in Korea, which was controlled by China.2 Consequently, the instruction programs were discontinued in 1888 in Nemuro, in 1889 in Tokachi, and in 1890 in Hidaka.3 Under the old busho system: the number of hunters and fishermen had been strictly limited. (Within Ainu society, the number of men hunting and fishing in any given area was also rigidly controlled by the village headman.) These restrictions, i.e., the bush0 restrictions, were lifted after the Meiji Restoration in 1868, and, as Japanese immigrants began to enter Hokkaido in larger numbers around 1877, the ecological balance o f many areas was upset, and the wildlife in many parts of Hokkaido began to disappear. I n order to preserve Hokkaid6's deer from Japanese and Ainu hunters, deer hunting was forbidden in 1876. This was the first of a series of laws protecting fish and game that were passed in Hokkaido. These laws undermined the Ainu's hunting and gathering existence and dealt the death blow to their traditional way of life.'The land allotment programs were not as successful as had been hoped. The Ainu, who were adapted to a hunting and fishing existence, were ill-prepared for the changes in life-style demanded by the switch to agriculture. Thus, in spite o f the land allotment programs, most Ainu continued to hunt and fish for a living6Although the Ainu had cultivated small plots o f ground as early as the seventeenth century, farming was generally a woman's chore. Probably one of the largest stumbling blocks for the Ainu was the change in the traditional division of labor between men and women which farming seemed to demand. As a result of such disruptions of the traditional life patterns, great famines swept the Ainu settlements in parts of Hokkaido during early Meiji. In 1884, government officials were sent into Nemuro and Sapporo prefectures to try to save a large Ainu population from tarv vat ion.^

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