This paper addresses Coppel (2012)'s claim regarding the heterogeneity of the identity of the Chinese Overseas. My paper chronicles the case of the Malaysian Chinese who come from two different educational mediums -the national mainstream medium, and the Chinese-language medium through a review of the existing literature on Malaysian Chinese identity. Past research showed that significant behavioral and ontological differences existed among individuals who experienced Chinese-language education and those who experienced English or Malay language education (the national mainstream medium) (Purcell, 1948; Tan & Santhiram, 2010). In the present climate characterized by multidirectional ideological flows across geographical regions, I argue that the differences in educational outcomes, especially measured in terms of cultural capital, are waning. This suggests a cultural convergence which augurs the possession of desirable cultural capital, or as Illouz and John (2003) terms it, 'global habitus'.

Rather than replacing the aged with the brand new, lifestyle producers and consumers are embracing a vintage revival. The rejuvenation of prewar buildings as tourist attractions has become a recent trend, especially in Petaling Street, a major historical site in the heart of Malaysia's capital city, Kuala Lumpur. However, there is a lack of study on the existing forms of community participation in heritage management among historical tourist sites in Kuala Lumpur. My study addressed this issue through ethnographic fieldwork in Petaling Street's Chinatown, combining participant observation which included site visits, photo-ethnography, and interviews. Surveys, library research, and content analyses were also conducted to supplement this research as part of my overall FRGS project. My study found that in Petaling Street, there are two forms of cultural heritage preservation-firstly, the adaptive reuse of historical buildings; and secondly-the continued use of a historical building. The former consists of heritage-style hipster cafes and locales; while the latter is manifested in the sustenance of a Chinese clan association, Chan See Shu Yuen Kuala Lumpur and Selangor (CSSYKL). The former has been rejuvenated to feed a hipster aesthetic as well as to attract tourists from around the world. Meanwhile, CSSYKL is made up not only of tangible cultural heritage through its century-old building, but also organic intangible cultural heritage which is its Cantonese clan association membership and its practices. Thus, it is apparent that the Asian-based community participation approach to cultural heritage preservation functions in two ways-first, the preservation of tangible and intangible forms of cultural heritage for the benefit of clan association members as well as for tourism purposes; and secondly to fulfil market demand. These two co-existing forms of community participation successfully add value to the cultural identity of Kuala Lumpur in the era of super-diversity.

Fan translations are an important part of global fan subculture activity, intensified especially through the new media platforms which connect producers and consumers all around the globe. One recent trend within this category is that of English translations of Chinese online fictions. It is a newly emerging form of activity which takes place on blogs connected through a blogroll. Through these channels, fans comprising blog moderators, translators, and readers can engage in exchanges which add value to the appreciation of literature.

Malaysian cosplayers, as a subset of Asian cosplayers, engage in a visuallyperformative activity which raises the issues of ethnic and gender performativity, among other identity markers. This is further contextualised within an "everydaydefined" experience of identity, in which its formation is influenced by non-"social power" agents such as popular narratives (Baharuddin 1996: 18; Baharuddin and Athi 2015: 268

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