No abstract

No abstract

Shyama Kuruvilla and colleagues present findings across 12 country case studies of multisectoral collaboration, showing how diverse sectors intentionally shape new ways of collaborating and learning, using “business not as usual” strategies to transform situations and achieve shared goals

A campanha eleitoral de 2010 reservou suas emoções para o final. A oposição esperneou e temeu pelo seu futuro. Lula foi comparado a Chaves e o PT, ao PRI. O governo enxergou um complô organizado da mídia para deter as mudanças a favor dos mais desfavorecidos. O Poder Judiciário complicou as coisas e deixou a bola quicando na marca do pênalti. Abertas as urnas no primeiro turno, Marina surpreendeu. Falou-se em nova clivagem, até no surgimento de um voto pós-material no Brasil. A oposição, aliviada, recobrou suas forças, esqueceu-se dos temores que expressara quanto à sua própria sobrevivência e partiu para a luta. O governo, forçado a deixar o salto alto no armário, reviu sua estratégia. ResumoAs eleições presidenciais têm se resumido a uma disputa entre PT e PSDB. Nenhuma candidatura alternativa foi capaz de ameaçar o controle desses partidos sobre a maioria dos eleitores. A estruturação das eleições presidenciais repercute sobre as disputas pelos governos estaduais, fazendo com que estas obedeçam à mesma clivagem básica. A estratégia dos partidos, negociando o lançamento e a retirada de candidaturas, é a chave para se entender a dinâmica da competição eleitoral no Brasil.PalaVRaS-chaVE: Eleições 2010; partidos; sistema partidário; democracia. AbstRActPresidential elections in Brazil have been regularly a dispute between PT and PSDB. No third alternative has been able to threaten the control these parties have over the majority of the electorate. The way presidential elections are structured has an influence over the elections at state level, reproducing the same pattern. The parties' strategy, negotiating the launching and withdrawal of candidacies, is the key to understanding the dynamics of electoral disputes in Brazil.

With the aim of promoting institutional births and reducing the high maternal and child mortality rates in rural and poor zones, the government of Nicaragua is supporting the creation of maternity waiting homes. This study analyzes that strategy and examines the factors associated with the use of maternity waiting homes and institutional birth. To that end, we apply a quantitative approach, by means of an econometric analysis of the data extracted from surveys conducted in 2006 on a sample of women and parteras or traditional birth attendants, as well as a qualitative approach based on interviews with key informants. Results indicate that although the operation of the maternity waiting homes is usually satisfactory, there is still room for improvement along the following lines: (i) disseminating information about the homes to both women and men, as the latter frequently decide the course of women's healthcare, and to parteras, who can play an important role in referring women; (ii) strengthening the postpartum care; (iii) ensuring financial sustainability by obtaining regular financial support from the government to complement contributions from the community; and (iv) strengthening the local management and involvement of the regional government. These measures might be useful for health policy makers in Nicaragua and in other developing countries that are considering this strategy.