Standard and Puerto Rican Spanish has two modifiers, bastante/enough and más/more. These modifiers behave like the Spanish modifier muy/very in that they can modify gradable adjectives. However, these modifiers have an additional property. They are categorically flexible, in that they can combine not only with adjectives but also nouns and verbs. And when they modify verbs, plucational readings emerge. I show that these modifiers convey a multiplicity of pluractional readings that stem from the verb’s lexical property. Also, I show how these modifiers can be syntactically flexible. In the grammar, más and bastante bind to an event variable which determines its semantic. El español puertorriqueño y estándar cuenta con dos modificadores, bastante/enough y más/more. Estos se comportan como el modificador muy/very en que modifica adjetivos gradables. Sin embargo, estos modificadores tienen una propiedad adicional. Son categóricamente flexibles, en que pueden combinar no solamente con adjetivos, pero también con sustantivos y verbos. Y cuando modifican verbos, surge unas interpretaciones de pluraccionales. Demuestro que estos modificadores codifican una multiplicidad de interpretaciones pluraccionales. Estas interpretaciones surgen de las propiedades léxicas del verbo cuyo están modificando. También, demuestro como estos modificadores pueden ser sintácticamente flexibles. En la gramática, más y bastante se enlazan a una variable de eventos el cual determina su semántica.

A locus of the difference in meaning between distributive and collective sentences can be the quantifiers that modify their subjects. A current theoretical account of distributive and collective sentences claims that sentences with quantifiers such as the in English, or los in Spanish, in subject position and an indefinite direct object, modified by a in English, or una in Spanish, are ambiguous as to whether they are distributive or collective, all things being equal. In contrast, the same sentences with each/cada in subject position are unambiguously distributive. This account claims that sentences with quantifiers such as the/los in subject position come to be interpreted collectively, and not distributively, because the distributive meaning could more informatively be constructed using the unambiguous each/cada quantifier. This is the same neo-Gricean reasoning that accounts for the Quantity Implicature that arises for some, given the informativeness of all. On this account, collective and distributive interpretations are intrinsically linked, which predicts that even children's non-adult-like collective and distributive interpretations should nonetheless be statistically associated, which we confirm in a sample of Puerto Rican Spanish-speaking children. We further propose that growth occurs both internal to lexical items, in terms of denotative content, as well as externally, within the lexicon in quantifier networks. Such networks have traditionally been expressed in formal semantics as pragmatic scales. We claim that the growth of both of these lexical dimensions are indexed by general lexical growth and show that a statistical association obtains between them in our sample.

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The expression of extremeness in Puerto Rican Spanish is encoded in a series of modifiers, which are attached to adjectival, nominal or verbal elements. The proper treatment of this phenomenon requires a generalization of gradability and modification transcategorially. A semantic account is presented in which extremeness is mapped along several contextually-dependent dimensions, which are sensitive to the properties of the event associated to the expression in the scope of the modifier.

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