Just as food plays an important symbolic role in greater society, eating inside a prison is imbued with a great amount of power and significance. Consumption is a constantly recurring aspect of institutional life and, therefore, by examining this ubiquitous act, a researcher can access a subtle, nuanced account of how power operates within the prison apparatus. By drawing on examples from interviews with prisoners about the prison food experience, this article will work to make visible the centrality of prisoner resistance to these power dynamics. In addition, this examination of prison food will support current analyses in the criminological literature by developing an increased understanding of the prisoner as both agent and subject, while highlighting the moral dimensions of penal practice. Sometimes I close my eyes and just remember, remember being in ___ [name of place] and then it was just (pause) sit at the table, and I got a lot of brothers and sisters, you know. My dad's there and I just sit at the table and it's like, eat and laugh and talk and drink and enjoy with my family . . . There's very few feelings like that in the world and a person can experience that through food. (Participant 5)Eating is not something that just happens to us; on the contrary, all of us 'do' food in some way or another. Consumptive acts are a set of practices, rituals, and behaviours that each individual, in conjunction with others, regularly performs. It is through these performances that we infuse food with meaning. The foods we eat, how and where we eat them, and under what circumstances we consume are based on a political, cultural and familial heritage that extends far beyond our biological need for fuel (Iggers 1996;Tisdale 2000;Visser 1991).The aim of this article is to describe and explore food-based resistance as an important theme in prisoners' stories about institutional food. Except for some commentary about the symbolic function of the prison diet (see Pratt 2002), the role that food plays in the daily routine of penal institutions has not been a focus of criminological research. Exploring food-based resistance in prison is valuable because it provides insight into how prisoners use consumptive spaces to negotiate and contest the power inequalities resulting from the prison's highly regulated environment.

The genre of reality TV is a significant feature of popular culture and has grown to include shows that document diverse aspects of social life. The common element of these shows is that they use personal history as spectacle, basing themselves on the idea that the shows portray the real lives of ordinary people rather than scripted performances. This paper takes a closer look at one of these reality TV shows-A Baby Story-to examine how this "record of reality" works to challenge and/or reinforce established norms related to gender, race, class, sexuality, and ability. Based on an analysis of 24 episodes, we identify four main discourses in A Baby Story related to women and childbirth: (1) The birthing woman; (2) The birthing story; (3) The role of medicine; and (4) Agency and resistance. Through a discussion of these discourses, we argue that A Baby Story constructs a specific televisual narrative that supports established gender roles and dominant social norms in relation to the event of childbirth, rather than reflecting the diversity of women's experiences. By presenting this televisual narrative as ordinary or common A Baby Story potentially acts as a powerful element of a larger electronic panopticon that serves to surveil and discipline women and their bodies.

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Examining the process undertaken to name and codify psychiatric illnesses provides important insights into how everyday healthcare practices are shaped by knowledge production processes. However, studies of illness classification often rely on an overly simplified distinction between the production of diagnostic categories and the application of those categories in practice. Drawing insight from science and technology studies, I argue that psychiatric diagnostic categories are iteratively generated through production and practice, even during the development of those categories. Through a discursive analysis of interviews, archival documents, and psychiatric literature, I identify the practical politics that enabled the creation of the postpartum depression (PPD) modifier in the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, version four (DSM-IV). In addition, I demonstrate how the overarching discourses of evidence-based decision-making and biomedicine shaped the development of the postpartum modifier, and draw together comments made by interview participants regarding the administrative value of a PPD-related category in the DSM. These remarks suggest that, in their practice, researchers and clinicians also take into consideration their own knowledge about DSM production processes, providing further support for the argument that diagnostic categories are iteratively generated.

This commentary examines the intrinsic social dilemmas that present themselves in the face of pandemics and pandemic planning that are often highlighted through differential patterns of risk across a population. Specifically, we focus on the invisibility of what has become an essential labour force in many healthcare systems around the globepersonal support workers (PSWs). This article is informed by earlier analyses regarding sociality and risk: in 2012, we wrote an article in Sociology of Health and Illness about the gendered dynamics of frontline care-giving in relation to increased risk of infection during the 1918 influenza pandemic. That piece, entitled 'If you have a soul, you will volunteer at once: gendered expectations of duty to care during a pandemic' used newspaper and archival material from Brantford, Ontario a small Canadian city to explore the moral obligations placed upon women to provide frontline care and as a result women were at heightened risk given their increased exposure to disease. Understanding dynamics of care-giving in the 1918 influenza pandemic helped us illuminate gendered patterns of labour propagated through the language of moral responsibility that then became inequitably expressed on and through the bodily dynamics of disease transmission for nurses, other women who were called on to participate in nursing, and the families of these individuals (Godderis and Rossiter 2012). Returning to this analysis in light of COVID-19, and using similar data sources such as newspapers and organisational websites, we argue that the sustained and stubborn invisibility of particular caregivers is an important and telling pattern regarding care-giving and risk. Specifically, we examine the work and conditions of PSWsa form of labour that did not exist in 1918to examine gendered dynamics of risk that have emerged during COVID-19. PSWs, who may be known by a range of titles such as 'healthcare aides' or 'nursing assistants', are common in countries such as Canada, Denmark, Australia, the UK and the United States (Zagrodney and Saks 2017). These healthcare workers engage in a variety of care-related task within personal homes and 'hybrid' healthcare facilities such as long-term care residences and may be hired privately or employed by an organisation (Lilly 2008). As discussed in further detail below, we maintain that ancillary healthcare worker invisibility is deeply tied to larger structural forces that shape the very meaning of who counts in calculations of risk, and whose labour is essential for the system but is so unseen as to not even be factored into these calculations. Indeed, we echo Einboden's (2020) assertion that 'public responses to COVID-19 are reproducing neoliberal rationales about what bodies matter' and that '[t]he virus shows the limits of biomedicine and the fragility of the for-profit orientation of healthcare systems'. (4).