Scores on the Nowicki-Strickland Locus of Control Scale for Children (N-SLOCSC) were compared for third and fifth grade boys and girls from intact versus maritally disrupted family backgrounds. Significant main effects for each independent variable revealed that fifth graders more than third, boys more than girls, and the marital disruption more than the intact group, exhibited higher internality in their locus of control scores. These findings strongly suggest that experiencing a parental divorce in childhood has a significant influence on generalized perceptions of personal control and effectance, perceptions which may ultimately mediate both short- and long-term outcomes in children's post-divorce adjustment.

This paper explores the potential of the partnership model to minimise and transform the marginalisation and disadvantage felt by rural communities due to the impacts of globalisation. It evaluates the effectiveness of the partnership model in this endeavour by examining one particular case study. Torrens Valley Youth Programme is a successful example of an innovative Community Partnership model in rural South Australia accomplished with minimal funding. This Case Study presents the evolution of a partnership between a rural community centre and a non government organisation into a sustainable and community-funded development programme responding to the needs of local young people. The programme's financial and social capital sustainability is attributed to Project Management based on community development principles, including honouring the community centre's invitation of partnership, facilitating regular forums to give young people a mechanism for collective action, and building relationships with the local media. This has culminated in the present transition of the community centre to independent management of the programme. These outcomes demonstrate the value of Community Partnerships as a powerful approach within the community development tool kit. Introduction: Setting the scene Information, communication and transportation technologies have advanced to the point where the global economy is now a daily reality. Capital is moved around the global market with decreasing regard for national boundaries and regulations. In 1998 more than $1.5 trillion flowed across international borders each day. This was a 30% increase from global capital exchanges in 1994 (Brecher and Costello 1998). The movement of capital, the increase in size and growth of multinational companies, and the trend towards a global monoculture has become known as 'globalisation'. At the same time, the nation-state appears to be experiencing a decrease in its autonomy, power and relevance within the global arena. Individual governments are losing their ability to prevent or regulate activities by companies within their own territory. Despite an overall increase in global wealth, the number of people living in poverty has increased, as has the gap between rich and poor (van der Gaag 1999:18). This trend is caused by a web of structural and personal causes, not the least of which is globalisation. Brecher and Costello (1998) argue that the globalisation of capital is resulting in workers, communities and countries being forced to lower wages, working conditions, environmental protection, and social expenditure in order to be competitive. The average person has felt the effects of this globalisation through rising unemployment in their community, falling real incomes, mass layoffs, cutbacks in public services, deteriorating employment conditions, reduction of small business, increased destruction of the environment, and loss of democratic control over their governments and societies. These issues have multiple causes, including historical forces....

In considering the problem of method, or as I prefer to phrase it, the problem of the most effective kind of working relationship between student, instructor, and subject, certain checks must be made upon our lines of reasoning. It is one thing to discover the generalizations about individual differences, learning, responses to other individuals, and the like, and it is another to apply these generalizations to the concrete situation at hand. One can say, on the basis of his knowledge of psychology, that this method would seem to be desirable and that method would seem wasteful. He must go further however and find out to what extent this reasoning will still hold true in college A with an endowment of B dollars; classroom facilities C; students D, E, F, . . . whose previous experiences have been G, H, I; professors J, K . . . each having spent L, M, years in presenting his subject N, 0 in a particular way. The first method of attack shows us the direction in which we must strive to move, the second indicates the present first move. One may, in starting for a point due north, get there most effectively by moving first toward the east or even the southeast.With these considerations in mind, we can be surer that the results which follow will be interpreted in light of the specific situation from which they came. The present experiment is one of the attempts which Dr. Goodwin B. Watson and the author have made to secure better results from the teaching of Educational Psychology. The lecture method did not seem to recommend itself as wholly desirable and yet, as it is such a common type of teaching it certainly was desirable to compare other plans with it. The experiment, therefore, set out to compare the lecture method with a plan involving class discussion.Studies in connection with the problem of teaching methods are not numerous. Jones 1 in an experimental study of college teaching found that the lecture method was not effective from the standpoint of permanence of learning. Scheidemann 2 has reported that the lectureconference method and individualized instruction seemed equally

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