Objective: To conduct a gray literature systematic review of campus climate survey reports about sexual assault to compare the measurement of sexual assault and the degree to which colleges and universities followed White House Task Force guidance on how to implement these surveys. Method: We used two Internet search engines to identify campus climate survey reports that U.S. colleges and universities implemented on campuses among students between April 2014 and September 2016. Two researchers independently screened reports and assessed eligibility. Eligible reports had to include a prevalence or incidence estimate of sexual assault. Results: We identified 107 reports from 101 colleges and universities. Most schools conducted web-based surveys (63%) and used a census approach (64%). One-third of schools reported on all six Task Forcerecommended survey topic areas. One-quarter of schools used the Task Force definition of sexual assault. Conclusions: Campus climate surveys are the first step in taking a public health approach to prevent sexual assault on campus; however, there needs to be a national mechanism to systematically identify survey reports and to standardize measures and reporting. Standardization would facilitate the creation of a national database that combines student-and campus-level data. Researchers and practitioners could use this database to understand the multilevel factors associated with sexual assault and campus climate to develop prevention strategies to inform national policy. Lessons learned and potential for future survey implementation could serve as a road map for universities internationally, which are beginning to measure campus sexual assault and implement prevention programs.

Addressing sexual assault on university and college campuses in the United States is a national priority. To date, research on campus sexual assault overwhelmingly focuses on students as objects of study: as survivors, perpetrators, and bystanders of sexual assault. This focus has largely overlooked students who act as agents of change, mobilizing to alter campus norms around consent, prevention, survivor support, and institutional response. In this article, we encourage feminist scholars to incorporate students as advocates against sexual assault and to invite students to be collaborators in research. We discuss a student‐led organization and our ongoing collaborative study with the organization to illustrate how feminist researchers can feature student engagement with campus sexual assault at the grass roots. We conclude with recommendations to expand the national research agenda on campus sexual assault.

IMPORTANCE Criminalizing immigrant policies, a form of structural racism, are associated with preterm birth; however, to date, few population studies have examined this association by race and nativity status or examined the association of inclusive immigrant policies with preterm birth.OBJECTIVE To assess the extent to which variation in preterm birth by race/ethnicity and nativity status is associated with state-level criminalizing vs inclusive immigrant policies. DESIGN, SETTING, AND PARTICIPANTSThis retrospective, cross-sectional study analyzed birth record data from all 50 states and the District of Columbia in 2018, as well as state-level indicators of inclusive and criminalizing immigrant policies. White, Black, Asian, and Latina women who had singleton births were included in the study. Statistical analysis was performed from June 1, 2020, to February 5, 2021. Two continuous variables were created to capture the number of criminalizing vs inclusive immigrant policies in effect as of 2017 in each state. MAIN OUTCOMES AND MEASURESThe main outcome measure was preterm birth (<37 weeks' gestation). RESULTSAmong the 3 455 514 live births that occurred in 2018, 10.0% were preterm, and 23.2% were to mothers born outside the US. Overall, for women born outside the US, each additional statelevel inclusive policy was associated with a 2% decrease in preterm birth (adjusted odds ratio [aOR], 0.98 [95% CI, 0.96-1.00]); there were no significant associations between inclusive policies and preterm birth among women born in the US. In models examining the combined associations of criminalizing and inclusive immigrant policies with preterm birth, each additional criminalizing policy was associated with a 5% increase in preterm birth among Black women born outside the US (aOR, 1.05 [95% CI, 1.00-1.10]). Each additional inclusive immigrant policy was associated with a lower likelihood of preterm birth for Asian women born in the US (aOR, 0.95 [95% CI, 0.93-0.98]) and White women born outside the US (aOR, 0.97 [95% CI, 0.95-0.99]). No significant associations were found among other groups.CONCLUSIONS AND RELEVANCE This study suggests that criminalizing immigrant policies are associated with an increase in preterm birth specifically for Black women born outside the US.Inclusive immigrant policies are associated with a decrease in preterm birth for immigrants overall, Asian women born in the US, and White women born outside the US. No associations were found between criminalizing or inclusive immigrant policies and preterm birth among Latina women.

Undocumented immigrants face barriers to and discrimination in healthcare, but those with Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) status may fare better. This analysis uses the cross-sectional BRAVE Study of young undocumented Latinx and Asian immigrants to examine differences in barriers to and discrimination in healthcare by DACA status. A majority of respondents experienced financial, language, and cultural barriers, and up to half experienced documentation status barriers, discrimination when seeking healthcare or by a health provider, and negative experiences related to documentation status. In multivariable analyses, DACA recipients have over 90% lower odds of language and cultural barriers, approximately 80% lower odds of discrimination when seeking healthcare and by a health provider, and approximately 70% lower odds of documentation status barriers and negative experience related to documentation status compared to nonrecipients. These findings indicate that DACA recipients experience fewer barriers to healthcare and discrimination in healthcare compared to nonrecipients.

No abstract