z x f m t ptuduction technigues for boy' and girb' ode mate f o d patterns that m D e y implicit meaning8 of masculinity and femininity.Sex stereotyping in the content of both television programs and commercials aimed at children and adults has been demonstrated repeatedly. Males outnumber females in programs and in commercials, particularly those directed at children (1, 2, 6, 7). There is an even greater imbalance when the experts or spokespersons for a product are examined. Whether on-camera or off-camera in the form of a voice-over, spokespersons are usually male. Television also provides stereotyped portrayals of the behavior and products used by males and females. in advertisements, women are usually shown using cosmetic or household products and girls play with dolls and miniature domestic implements. In children's programs, females are deferent and do little. Boys play with vehicles, competitive games, and war games, and men are associated with cars, sports, and the like. Males are more aggressive, dominant, and independent (6, 7).

Three groups of women-(1) wives with no outside employment, (2) wives employed in non-professional occupations, and (3) wives employed in professional occupations-were administered the Derived Identity Questionnaire (DIQ) and the Bem Sex Role Inventory (BSRI). The two working groups revealed less "derived identity" than did the non-employed group, although the difference was only marginally significant. On the BSRI it was found that while the obtained femininity scores were essentially equal and high for the three groups, masculinity increased as a direct function of degree of departure from the housewife role. This finding led to the conclusion that working wives (especially professionals) are more "androgynous" than non-working wives. Finally, the signed difference between the masculinity and femininity scores and the DIQ scores were correlated positively, indicative of a negative relationship between derived identity and and rogy n y.For years, the primary occupation of most American women has been, and was expected to be, that of housewife, a fact convincingly documented by Lopata (1 971 ) and Rossi (1 965). However, the recent human rights movement has led to the realization that women's occupational roles need not be so delimited. Consequently, women in increasing numbers are reconsidering and red,efining their traditional role as "homemaker." The purpose of the present study was to assess some personality characteristics of married women at varying degrees of departure from this role.

This study demonstrated the effectiveness of a computer-delivered smoking cessation program for the worksite. 58 VA Medical Center employees were randomly assigned to a computer group (computerized nicotine fading and stop-smoking contest) or a contest-only group. In comparison with the contest-only group, the computer group had nonsignificantly higher abstinence rates across follow-up, had marginally lower CO levels at the 3- and 6-month follow-ups, and smoked cigarettes with lower nicotine levels at the 10-day and 6-month follow-ups.

The aim of the present study was to examine the relation between masculinity and femininity in women and their responses to induced success or failure. Also experimentally manipulated were the subjects' performance attributions. Psychologically androgynous and feminine women either succeeded or failed at a concept formation task and were provided with internal, external, or no causal attributions for their p)erformance. Then a second concept formation task was administered. The attribution manipulation failed to affect task performance and was not involved in any interactions. For feminine subjects, failure increased the trials necessary to reach criterion on the second task, whereas success had no effect. In contrast, the performance of androgynous subjects was unaffected by failure but facilitated by success. Finally, whereas androgynous subjects attributed success primarily to their ability and failure to task difficulty, feminine subjects attributed success and failure about equally to these two factors. It was suggested that androgynous women's use of the "egotistical" pattern of performance attributions gives them an advantage over feminine women with respect to the maintenance of self-esteem.Both exp>ectancies and causal attributions with respect to one's successes and failures are known to affect subsequent performance and p)erhaps also choice of future activities (Weiner, 1974). Furthermore, numerous studies have demonstrated a difference between males and females on both of these variables, particularly for tasks not linked to a sp)ecific sex and when performance feedback is absent or ambiguous (cf. Lenney, 1977). For example, it has been shown that, over a variety of tasks, ages, and settings, females generally have lower exp)ectancies for success than do males (Crandall,

The effects of success and failure on task performance, and attributions about performance, were compared for high and low instrumental college women. For the+high instrumental group, success facilitated task performance, whereas f a~~~~a~~ o effect on sXSqTerperformance, ITg7;rnstrumentaI women attributed w instrumental women revealed the opposite profile. The gender-appropriateness of the task had little effect on performance or attribution. Four potential mediators of these differences were investigated: self-esteem, perceived ability, expectancy of success, and attainment value. High-instrumental women's higher perceived ability and performance expectations accounted for their superior task performance, but none of the four mediators accounted for the relationship of instrumentality to attributions.