This paper is based on a social accounting matrix (SAM) which incorporates the size distribution of income based on data from the BEA national accounts, the widely discussed 2012 CBO distribution study, and BLS consumer surveys. Sources and uses of incomes are disaggregated by household groups including the top 1 percent. Their importance (including saving rates) differs markedly across households. The SAM reveals two transfer flows exceeding 10 percent of GDP via fiscal (broadly progressive) and financial (regressive) channels. A third major flow over time has been a ten percentage point increase in the GDP share of the top 1 percent. A simulation model is used to illustrate how 'feasible' modifications to tax/transfer programs and increasing low wages cannot offset the historical redistribution toward the well-to-do.

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Using 2011-12 consumption micro-data, we find that nearly one-third of the variation in living standards in India can be explained by location alone. Consumption levels and locational inequality are positively related. In effect, from an individual's perspective, living standards are higher in richer, but more unequal, locations in India. The central factor is the large differences in average consumption levels between rural and urban India (the latter is more unequal), and continued divergence in per-capita incomes between rich and poor states. Our results have implications for the persistence of economic migration within a fast-growing emerging economy. Individuals can choose to change their location to enjoy better living standards, but not necessarily trade other specific characteristics like caste, religion and gender.

Between 1953 and 1985 India implemented various progressive taxes on personal wealth. I use estate tax returns to compute top wealth shares (top 1%, top 0.1% and top 0.01%) over 1966-1985; a period marked explicitly by a dirigiste policy environment. These new series suggest that wealth concentration in India reduced substantially during the 1970s. Although the decline affected the entire top 1%, the losses faced by the top 0.01% were especially large. Combined with identical trends in top income shares, it appears that the 1950-1980 expropriations of India's rich had similarities to institutional transitions and shocks faced by European elites in the early to mid twentieth century.