According to social identity theory, low self-esteem motivates group members to derogate out-groups, thus achieving positive in-group distinctiveness and boosting selfesteem. According to the Frankfurt School and status politics theorists, low self-esteem motivates collective narcissism (i.e., resentment for insufficient external recognition of the ingroup's importance), which predicts out-group derogation. Empirical support for these propositions has been weak. We revisit them addressing whether (1) low self-esteem predicts out-group derogation via collective narcissism, and (2) this indirect relationship is only observed after partialling out the positive overlap between collective narcissism and in-group satisfaction (i.e., belief that the in-group is of high value and a reason to be proud). Results based on cross-sectional (Study 1, N = 427) and longitudinal (Study 2, N = 853) designs indicated that self-esteem is uniquely, negatively linked to collective narcissism and uniquely, positively linked to in-group satisfaction. Results based on cross-sectional (Study 3, N = 506; Study 4, N = 1059; Study 5, N = 471), longitudinal (Study 6, N = 410), and experimental (Study 7, N = 253) designs corroborated these inferences. Further, they revealed that the positive overlap between collective narcissism and in-group satisfaction obscures the link between self-esteem and out-group derogation.

Results of five studies (N = 1596) linked collective narcissism—a belief in in‐group exaggerated greatness contingent on external validation—to direct and indirect, retaliatory hostility in response to situations that collective narcissists perceived as insulting to the in‐group but which fell well beyond the definition of an insult. In Turkey, collective narcissists responded with schadenfreude to the European economic crisis after feeling humiliated by the Turkish wait to be admitted to the European Union (Study 1). In Portugal, they supported hostile actions towards Germans and rejoiced in the German economic crisis after perceiving Germany's position in the European Union as more important than the position of Portugal (Study 2). In Poland, they supported hostile actions towards the makers of a movie they found offensive to Poland (Studies 3 and 5) and responded with direct and indirect hostility towards a celebrity whose jokes about the Polish government they found offensive (Study 4). Comparisons with self‐positivity and in‐group positivity indices and predictors of intergroup hostility indicated that collective narcissism is the only systematic predictor of hypersensitivity to in‐group insult followed by direct and indirect, retaliatory intergroup hostility. Copyright © 2016 European Association of Personality Psychology

The Leave campaign in the U.K., which advocated exiting the European Union, emphasized anxiety over immigration and the need to take control of the U.K.'s borders. Citizens who expressed concerns about immigration to the U.K. were more likely to vote to leave. Two correlational studies examined the previously unexplored question of whether the Brexit vote and support for the outcome of the E.U. referendum were linked to individual predictors of prejudice toward foreigners: British collective narcissism (a belief in national greatness), right wing authoritarianism, and social dominance orientation. The results converged to indicate that all three variables were independently related to the perceived threat of immigrants and, via this variable, to the Brexit vote and a support for the outcome of the E.U. referendum. These variables explained the variance in the perceived threat of immigrants and support for the Brexit vote over and above other previously examined predictors such as age, education, or ethnicity, as well as, national identification and national attachment.

This experiment examined the effectiveness of one-group and dual-identity recategorization strategies on reducing intergroup bias among 180 European Portuguese and African Portuguese 9- and 10-year-old children. Results revealed that each of these recategorization strategies, relative to one that emphasized separate group identities, was successful in producing positive attitudes toward the outgroup children present during the session, the outgroup as a whole, and the outgroup as a whole three weeks later. Consistent with a functional perspective regarding which representation would most effectively promote their group’s goals, a dual identity was more effective for the European Portuguese majority group, whereas a one-group identity was more effective for the African Portuguese minority group. Additional analyses explored a model of the process of generalization that formally links attitudes toward the outgroup as a whole to the attitudes toward outgroup members present during contact.

This study proposed a new perspective to look at the consequences of the formation of immigrant communities in globalized societies, by investigating the impact of two forms of group indispensability on majority attitudes towards immigrants. Specifically, it explored whether perceived indispensability of different immigrant groups to the national identity and their contributions to the functioning of the host society are related to the development of more positive attitudes towards them. We also explored whether such effects would be mediated by the inclusion of immigrants within the national common identity and whether these effects would be stronger among host country members with a stronger civic than ethnic conception of national citizenship. Results supported these predictions among a sample of native Portuguese citizens (N = 118). As predicted, these effects were driven by perceptions of different types of indispensability for three immigrant groups in Portugal, who differed in their historical relations with the host society.'U.S. desperately needs immigrants and a strategy to get the right ones '-(Forbes, 2012) In 2013, the International Organization for Migration (2013) showed that the number of international migrants worldwide reached 232 million and argued that as globalization increased, migration became one of the key challenges of the 21st century (International Organization for Migration, 2013). There is some consensus that globalization (and its consequent changes in global production, innovation and technology) is a significant force increasing the demand for the international movement of workers. Indeed, world migration trends are changing, and new immigrant communities are becoming increasingly diverse and fluid, as people move with greater frequency over greater distances. These changes in migration patterns are found in several European countries that traditionally have been culturally and ethnically homogeneous. With globalization, these countries (e. g., Italy, Germany) are becoming increasingly diverse. This increased diversity poses several challenges to host societies, including how to successfully integrate culturally, linguistically, and religiously diverse migrants into the host society, and how to address questions about their rights to citizenship.Social psychological research shows variability in reactions to the increased flow of people from foreign cultures, depending upon, for example, a citizen's political ideology (Schwartz, Vignoles, Brown, & Zagefka, 2014), the perceived threat to the national identity (Louis, Esses, & Lalonde, 2013), and the degree of perceived competition for resources posed by immigrants (Esses, Brochu, & Dickson, 2012). Furthermore, research about the consequences of integrating immigrant communities has focused on either (i) the perspective of immigrants, such as how acculturation orientations relate to their psychological well-being (e.g., Celenk & van de Vijver, 2014), or (ii) the perspective of the host society, such as their perceptions ...