Observers' accuracy in using time-to-arrival (Ta) information was examined in 4 experiments. The issues included use of visual vs. acoustic Ta information, use of acoustic Ta information by blind Ss, use of Ta information controlling for velocity, and effects of angle of approach and arrival time on judgment accuracy. Visual information was used more efficiently than audiovisual and auditory information. Blind Ss used acoustical approach information as accurately as sighted Ss used visual information. Radial, oblique, and transverse orientations were used to examine effects of approach trajectory. Radial events were underestimated, whereas the more accurate transverse approach was likely to be overestimated. Oblique angle events yielded intermediate accuracies implying a spatiotemporal anisotropy. Women underestimated Ta more than did men. Possible reasons for Ss' judgment accuracy, including linear vs. nonlinear optical changes and relation to spatial skills and experience, were discussed.
Alcohol and other drug abuse (AOD) treatment is a major means of HIV/AIDS prevention, yet clients of street outreach programs (SOP) who are injection drug users (IDU), and outreach workers and staff as well, report various obstacles to enrolling clients in AOD programs. This study assessed the barriers to AOD enrollment facing high risk street outreach clients and obtained suggestions for reducing them. Data were obtained from semistructured field interviews with: 1) IDU outreach clients (N = 144) of the six SOPs in New York City (NYC) and northern suburbs supported by the Office of Alcoholism and Substance Abuse Services (OASAS), the single state agency in New York State for AOD prevention and treatment, 2) outreach workers and staff of the six SOPs (N = 55), 3) staff of detox and AOD treatment programs in major modalities treating IDUs (N = 71), and 4) officials and administrators (N = 11) in OASAS, the AIDS Institute of the Department of Health (addresses all aspects of the HIV/AIDS epidemic in New York State), and the agency for public assistance in New York City, the Human Resources Administration (HRA). Principal barriers for street outreach clients included personal-family issues, lack of insurance/Medicaid, ignorance, suspicion, and/or aversion to AOD treatment (methadone maintenance especially), "hassles" with Medicaid, lack of personal ID, lack of "slots," limited access to intake, homelessness, childcare-child custody issues. Further, about 18% had no desire for AOD services, reported no barriers, or were too enmeshed in addiction to enroll. Outreach staff cited prospective client's lack of ID and lack of Medicaid, lack of "slots," and stakeholder agency bureaucracy. Treatment staff cited lack of client readiness, "hassles" posed by welfare reform, AOD programs' own "red tape," waiting lists, and near exclusionary preference for the Medicaid-eligible. Finally, agency managers cited client factors, inadequate funding and lack of appropriate programs, treatment program requirements, and societal stigmatization of addicts. Proposed remedies included dropping ID and insurance requirements for admission, major increases in resources, funding the transporting of outreach client treatment candidates to AOD services sites, education and training initiatives, increased inter-agency cooperation, and the need for stakeholder agencies, OASAS especially, to more effectively integrate abstinence-oriented AOD services with harm reduction and the public health aspects of AOD problems.
Estimated arrival times of moving autos were examined in relation to viewer age, gender, motion trajectory, and velocity. Direct push-button judgments were compared with verbal estimates derived from velocity and distance, which were based on assumptions that perceivers compute arrival time from perceived distance and velocity. Experiment 1 showed that direct estimates of younger Ss were most accurate. Older women made the shortest (highly cautious) estimates of when cars would arrive. Verbal estimates were much lower than direct estimates, with little correlation between them. Experiment 2 extended target distances and velocities of targets, with the results replicating the main findings of Experiment 1. Judgment accuracy increased with target velocity, and verbal estimates were again poorer estimates of arrival time than direct ones, with different patterns of findings. Using verbal estimates to approximate judgments in traffic situations appears questionable.
Injecting drug users (IDU) (n=144), street outreach (n=55), and treatment program (n=71) staff and managers in stakeholder government agencies (n=11) cited or mentioned many barriers to enrolling in substance abuse treatment (AOD), using varied assessment instruments (1). Here, we aimed to investigate a possible overemphasis on individual client factors (e.g., "readiness," denial) as barriers to enrollment and the relative importance of other kinds of barriers, e.g., limitations using a four-category classification of: individual client factors (IC), treatment accessibility (TAX), treatment availability (AVL), and (lack of) client acceptability (CA), reflecting stigmatization of IDUs. TAX responses predominated for outreach staff (51%), government managers (39%), and barriers implied by client suggestions (52%). IC (60%) followed by TAX (36%) factors characterized barriers clients generated directly. The IC factor thus appears overrepresented among IDUs and TAX is important for all groups suggesting a greater focus on access may be more cost-effective than on individual treatment motivation interventions.
Detection of current (past 30 days) drug use by analysis of hair was examined along with self-reports of current use in a 1994 treatment needs assessment survey; the sample was 179 homeless/transient adults in New York state. Results of radioimmunoassay of hair (RIAH) were used to evaluate the veracity of self-reports of current cocaine use. Only 26% of those persons whose hair tested positive for cocaine (n=115) admitted to having used cocaine in the past 30 days. Subjects eligible for treatment, as indicated by a DSM-III-R diagnosis of cocaine dependency, were nearly four times as likely to admit current cocaine use than those who were not dependent. These results are consistent with other studies of populations at high risk for substance use.
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