BackgroundAfrican American/Black and Hispanic persons living with HIV (AABH-PLWH) in the U.S. evidence insufficient engagement in HIV care and low uptake of HIV antiretroviral therapy, leading to suboptimal clinical outcomes. The present qualitative study used critical race theory, and incorporated intersectionality theory, to understand AABH-PLWH’s perspectives on the mechanisms by which structural racism; that is, the macro-level systems that reinforce inequities among racial/ethnic groups, influence health decisions and behaviors.MethodsParticipants were adult AABH-PLWH in New York City who were not taking antiretroviral therapy nor well engaged in HIV care (N = 37). Participants were purposively sampled for maximum variation from a larger study, and engaged in semi-structured in-depth interviews that were audio-recorded and professionally transcribed verbatim. Data were analyzed using a systematic content analysis approach.ResultsWe found AABH-PLWH experienced HIV care and medication decisions through a historical and cultural lens incorporating knowledge of past and present structural racism. This contextual knowledge included awareness of past maltreatment of people of color in medical research. Further, these understandings were linked to the history of HIV antiretroviral therapy itself, including awareness of the first HIV antiretroviral regimen; namely, AZT (zidovudine) mono-therapy, which was initially prescribed in unacceptably high doses, causing serious side effects, but with only modest efficacy. In this historical/cultural context, aspects of structural racism negatively influenced health care decisions and behavior in four main ways: 1) via the extent to which healthcare settings were experienced as overly institutionalized and, therefore, dehumanizing; 2) distrust of medical institutions and healthcare providers, which led AABH-PLWH to feel pressured to take HIV antiretroviral therapy when it was offered; 3) perceptions that patients are excluded from the health decision-making process; and 4) an over-emphasis on antiretroviral therapy compared to other non-HIV related priorities. We found that although participants were located at the intersection of multiple social categories (e.g., gender, social class, AABH race/ethnicity), race/ethnicity and social class were described as primary factors.ConclusionsCritical race theory proved useful in uncovering how macro-level structural racism affects individual-level health decisions and behaviors. HIV clinical settings can counter-balance the effects of structural racism by building “structural competency,” and interventions fostering core self-determination needs including autonomy may prove culturally appropriate and beneficial for AABH-PLWH.

The COVID-19 pandemic has great potential to disrupt the lives of persons living with HIV (PLWH). The present convergent parallel design mixed-methods study explored the early effects of COVID-19 on African American/Black or Latino (AABL) long-term survivors of HIV in a pandemic epicenter, New York City. A total of 96 AABL PLWH were recruited from a larger study of PLWH with non-suppressed HIV viral load. They engaged in structured assessments focused on knowledge, testing, trust in information sources, and potential emotional, social, and behavioral impacts. Twenty-six of these participants were randomly selected for in-depth semi-structured interviews. Participants were mostly men (64%), African American/Black (75%), and had lived with HIV for 17 years, on average (SD=9 years). Quantitative results revealed high levels of concern about and the adoption of recommended COVID-19 prevention recommendations. HIV care visits were commonly canceled but, overall, engagement in HIV care and antiretroviral therapy use were not seriously disrupted. Trust in local sources of information was higher than trust in various federal sources. Qualitative findings complemented and enriched quantitative results and provided a multifaceted description of both risk factors (e.g., phones/internet access were inadequate for some forms of telehealth) and resilience (e.g., “hustling” for food supplies). Participants drew a direct line between structural racism and the disproportional adverse effects of COVID-19 on communities of color, and their knowledge gleaned from the HIV pandemic was applied to COVID-19. Implications for future crisis preparedness are provided, including how the National HIV/AIDS Strategy can serve as a model to prevent COVID-19 from becoming another pandemic of the poor.

After HIV diagnosis, heterosexuals in high-poverty urban areas evidence delays in linkage to care and antiretroviral therapy initiation compared to other groups. Yet barriers to/facilitators of HIV care among these high-risk heterosexuals are understudied. Under the theory of triadic influence, putative barriers to HIV care engagement include individual/attitudinal-level (e.g., fear, medical distrust), social-level (e.g., stigma), and structural-level influences (e.g., poor access). Participants were African-American/Black and Hispanic adults found newly diagnosed with HIV (N = 25) as part of a community-based HIV testing study with heterosexuals in a high-poverty, high-HIV-incidence urban area. A sequential explanatory mixed-methods design was used. We described linkage to HIV care and clinical outcomes [CD4 counts, viral load (VL) levels] over 1 year, and then addressed qualitative research questions about the experience of receiving a new HIV diagnosis, its effects on timely engagement in HIV care, and other barriers and facilitators. Participants were assessed five times, receiving a structured interview battery, laboratory tests, data extraction from the medical record, a post-test counseling session, and in-person/phone contacts to foster linkage to care. Participants were randomly selected for qualitative interviews (N = 15/25) that were recorded and transcribed, then analyzed using systematic content analysis. Participants were 50 years old, on average (SD = 7.2 years), mostly male (80%), primarily African-American/Black (88%), and low socioeconomic status. At the first follow-up, rates of engagement in care were high (78%), but viral suppression was modest (39%). Rates improved by the final follow-up (96% engaged, 62% virally suppressed). Two-thirds (69%) were adequately retained in care over 1 year. Qualitative results revealed multi-faceted responses to receiving an HIV diagnosis. Problems accepting and internalizing one’s HIV status were common. Reaching acceptance of one’s HIV-infected status was frequently a protracted and circuitous process, but acceptance is vital for engagement in HIV care. Fear of stigma and loss of important relationships were potent barriers to acceptance. Thus, partially as a result of difficulties accepting HIV status, delays in achieving an undetectable VL are common in this population, with serious potential negative consequences for individual and public health. Interventions to foster acceptance of HIV status are needed.

Drug use is associated with low uptake of HIV antiretroviral therapy (ART), an under-studied step in the HIV care continuum, and insufficient engagement in HIV primary care. However, the specific underlying mechanisms by which drug use impedes these HIV health outcomes are poorly understood. The present qualitative study addresses this gap in the literature, focusing on African-American/Black and Hispanic persons living with HIV (PLWH) who had delayed, declined, or discontinued ART and who also were generally poorly engaged in health care. Participants (N = 37) were purposively sampled from a larger study for maximum variation on HIV indices. They engaged in 1–2 h audio-recorded in-depth semi-structured interviews on HIV histories guided by a multilevel social-cognitive theory. Transcripts were analyzed using a systematic content analysis approach. Consistent with the existing literature, heavy substance use, but not casual or social use, impeded ART uptake, mainly by undermining confidence in medication management abilities and triggering depression. The confluence of African-American/Black or Hispanic race/ethnicity, poverty, and drug use was associated with high levels of perceived stigma and inferior treatment in health-care settings compared to their peers. Furthermore, providers were described as frequently assuming participants were selling their medications to buy drugs, which strained provider–patient relationships. High levels of medical distrust, common in this population, created fears of ART and of negative interactions between street drugs and ART, but participants could not easily discuss this concern with health-care providers. Barriers to ART initiation and HIV care were embedded in other structural- and social-level challenges, which disproportionately affect low-income African-American/Black and Hispanic PLWH (e.g., homelessness, violence). Yet, HIV management was cyclical. In collaboration with trusted providers and ancillary staff, participants commonly reduced substance use and initiated or reinitiated ART. The present study highlights a number of addressable barriers to ART initiation and engagement in HIV care for this vulnerable population, as well as gaps in current practice and potential junctures for intervention efforts.

Background: Many people use opioids and are at risk of overdose. Naloxone is an opioid antagonist used to counter the effects of opioid overdose. There is an increased availability of naloxone in New York City; however, many who use opioids decline no-cost naloxone even when offered. Others may have the medication but opt not to carry it and report that they would be reluctant to administer it if they were to witness an overdose. Objective: We aim to better understand why people who use opioids may be reluctant to accept, carry, and administer naloxone, and to inform the development of messaging content that addresses barriers to its acceptance and use. Methods: We conducted formative qualitative interviews with 20 people who use opioids who are 18 years and older in New York City. Participants were recruited via key informants and chain referral. Results: Participants cited 4 main barriers that may impede rates of naloxone acceptance, possession, and use: (1) stigma related to substance use, (2) indifference toward overdose, (3) fear of negative consequences of carrying naloxone, and (4) fear of misrecognizing the need for naloxone. Participants also offered suggestions about messaging content to tackle the identified barriers, including messages designed to normalize naloxone possession and use, encourage shared responsibility for community health, and elicit empathy for people who use drugs. Taken together, participants' narratives hold implications for the following potential messaging content: (1) naloxone is short-acting, and withdrawal sickness does not have to be long-lasting; (2) it is critical to accurately identify an opioid-involved overdose; (3) anyone can overdose; (4) naloxone cannot do harm; and (5) the prompt administration of the medication can help ensure that someone can enjoy another day. Finally, participants suggested that messaging should also debunk myths and stereotypes about people who use drugs more generally; people who use opioids who reverse overdoses should be framed as lay public health advocates and not just "others" to be managed with stigmatizing practices and language. Conclusions: It must be made a public health priority to get naloxone to people who use opioids who are best positioned to reverse an overdose, and to increase the likelihood that they will carry naloxone and use it when needed. Developing, tailoring, and deploying messages to address stigma, indifference toward overdose, fear and trepidation about reversing an overdose, and fear of police involvement may help alleviate fears among some people who are reluctant to obtain naloxone and use the medication on someone in an overdose situation.