We conduct experiments on earned wealth effects in dictator games. In addition to a standard treatment in which wealth was determined by the experimenter, we conduct treatments in which the dictator or the receiver earned the wealth used in the dictator game. In our baseline treatment, on average, dictators allocate receivers 20 percent. In treatments where dictators earned wealth, we observe the (theoretically predicted) zero offers to receivers. In treatments where receivers earned wealth, we observe distributions of offers in which receivers' shares exceeds 50 percent. These results emphasize the importance of property rights in determining individuals' social preferences.

Public health measures to reduce COVID-19 transmission include masking in public places, physical distancing, staying home when ill, avoiding high-risk locations, using a contact tracing app, and being willing to take a COVID-19 vaccine. However, adoption of these measures varies greatly. We aimed to improve health messaging to increase adherence to public health behaviours to reduce COVID-19 transmission by: 1) determining attitudes towards public health measures and current behaviours; 2) identifying barriers to following public health measures; and, 3) identifying public health communication strategies. We recruited participants from a random panel of 3000 phone numbers across Alberta to fill a predetermined quota: age (18–29; 30–59; 60+ years), geographic location (urban; rural), and whether they had school-age children. Two researchers coded and themed all transcripts. We performed content analysis and in-depth thematic analysis. Nine focus groups were conducted with 2–8 participants/group in August-September, 2020. Several themes were identified: 1) importance of public health measures; 2) compliance with public health measures; 3) critiques of public health messaging; and 4) suggestions for improving public health messaging. Physical distancing and masking were seen as more important than using a contact tracing app. There were mixed views around willingness to take COVID-19 vaccine. Current public health messaging was perceived as conflicting. Participants felt that consistent messaging and using social media to reach younger people would be helpful. In conclusion, these findings provide insights that can be used to inform targeted (e.g., by age, current behaviour) public health communications to encourage behaviors that reduce COVID-19 transmission.

The topics of social capital, social cohesion, and social inclusion are increasingly gaining interest in economics, sociology, and politics, particularly in regards to addressing poverty and designing related policies. Here, we seek to develop the connections and interdependencies between these related concepts. We offer a framework for understanding the differences between these concepts and how they fit together in individual decision making. * We thank Suzanne Lamoreaux, Kendra McLeish, and Teresa Wong for valuable research assistance. Financial support from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council and Social Development Canada is acknowledged.

We present a model of cognitive adaptation to examine the growth and behaviours of the underclass. In the model, individuals experiencing cognitive dissonance between status seeking and social recognition adapt their attitudes regarding what is deemed status worthy. This yields the endogenous formation of an underclass in which non-pecuniary social returns counteract the effect of traditional incentives (i.e. wages) in motivating behaviour. By gaining insight into the process of psychological adaptation of those living in poverty, the paper sheds light on economic policies that mitigate the disenfranchisement and hence the growth of the underclass.The desire to be a person in his own right, to be noticed in the world he lives in, is shared by each of the men on the streetcorner. Whether they articulate this desire … or not, one can see them position themselves to catch the attention of their fellows in much the same way as plants bend to catch the sunlight. (Liebow, 1967, pp. 60-1) Poverty, while typically defined in economic terms, is accompanied by a myriad of social behaviours. Crime, welfare dependency and substance abuse, behaviours considered characteristic of the underclass, are often concentrated among those living in poverty. Economic approaches to poverty have typically focused on the economic status of individuals and looked towards redistributive policies that raise income and provide opportunities to those living in poverty. However, redistributive policies may be too simplistic a solution as they neglect many of the psychological and social pressures facing the impoverished. This paper takes a different approach to the behaviour of the underclass by focusing on individuals' innate desire for non-pecuniary social rewards and the process of psychological adaptation that may accompany living in poverty.Economists have long been aware of the import of social status and the esteem of others in decision-making. The typical economic approach to this phenomenon has been to embed a positional interdependence among agents directly into the utility function. Although this approach has yielded insights into the determinants of behaviour and the efficiency effects of status seeking, it neglects a more fundamental question:

We present an argument for changes in the franchise in which an elite split along economic interests use the suffrage to influence implemented policies. Through the influence of these policies on the character of industrialization, we analyze the effects of franchise changes on economic growth. We identify in the social structure of society an explanation for the connection between enfranchisement and growth: When (1) there exist an economic conflict among the elite, (2) landed classes are not politically strong, and (3) there exists a critical mass of industrial workers, we observe both growth and democratization. The lack of conditions (1) or (2) resolves in stagnant autocracies while the absence of condition (3) drives growth-deterring democratic expansions. We provide historical support for our argument by analyzing the experience of 11 countries.