Divergent thinking tests are probably the most commonly employed measures of creative potential and have demonstrated adequate psychometric properties with many populations. Recently, however, a partial correlation evaluation revealed that the indices drawn from divergent thinking tests are highly redundant. That is, in the nongifted population, ideational “originality” and “flexibility” were seriously confounded by ideational “fluency,” and hence were not reliable indices of divergent thinking. Because the ideation of gifted individuals is qualitatively and quantitatively different from that of nongifted individuals, the present investigation utilized partial correlation procedures in order to compare the reliability of ideational originality in academically gifted and nongifted intermediate school children ( N = 225). The results indicated that the divergent thinking interitem and intertest correlations of the gifted children were significantly larger than those of the nongifted children. Still, ideational originality was adequately reliable after fluency was controlled only in the figural (nonverbal) divergent thinking tests.

The idols imposed by words on the understanding are of two kinds. They are either names of things which do not exist (for as there are things left unnamed through lack of observation, so likewise are there names which result from fantastic suppositions and to which nothing in reality corresponds), or they are names of things which exist, but yet confused and ill-defined, and hastily and irregularly derived from realities.

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There are two basic transformations in the achievement of eminence. The first is that of intellectual giftedness to creative giftedness (Albert, 1979); the second, even more important, is the transformation of this intelligent creativeness into a combination of talent, drive, and values that &dquo;succeed.&dquo; The transformation of early giftedness into adult eminence is one of the most enthralling and secretive processes of human development. Because its occurrence is relatively difficult to predict, it does not mean one should appeal to shopworn explanations such as &dquo;luck,&dquo; &dquo;breaks,&dquo; &dquo;knowing the right people,&dquo; &dquo;genius,&dquo; or other cliche. The attainment of eminence, although difficult to predict, is not without rational, developmental aspects (Albert, 1975). In this paper I wish to show how the family position of gifted children can put them in alignment with selected family experiences, socialization, and motivations that help prepare them for particular careers; secondly, I wish to show that often an unanticipated event such as the death of older siblings and/or a parent is not necessarily an impediment to this growth but can be an opportunity and a challenge to healthy ego development. The means and the direction in which these traumatic experiences influence a gifted child's development is determined by the family's prior preparation and values and the fit between the family's aspirations and the child's particular gift.Like all behavior, the achievement of adult eminence is overdetermined, depending upon the push and pull of many persons, motives, values, and facilitation experiences, most of which occur unexpectedly. Yet we also know that as a child such a person often shows that he is somewhat different from his contemporaries in significant ways (Albert). Most studies of eminent persons indicate that as children they are cognitively gifted and often the first or only sons of better than average educated and socioeconomically placed families with particular interests and motivations of their own. Another determinant often pointed to is birth-order, itself an overdetermined influence upon a child's development.For many years studies have shown weak but consistent relationships between birth-order and various developmental outcomes. As a focus, birth-order is an important family variable. A child's birth-order in his family is both a structural and a processional variable. As structure, it is organizational, giving order and focus to crucial family relationships, determining which family member is most likely to take an active interest in the child. As process, birth-order involves quality and tone of essential developmental functions, determining to some extent which family dynamics, interests, and values will be directed toward the child, for how long, and at what levels of intensity. In the development of a child families are not neutral, but encourage behaviors and developments in specific areas deemed important to them. Thus, it is clear that birthorder functio...

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