Why are we so obsessed by the Great War of 1914-18? Contrary to a popular view, it was not history's longest or bloodiest conflict. It was shorter than the second world war, and consumed only one-fifth as many lives. It caused much hunger, but no famines. It saw no vast destruction of cities, or butchery of women and children, or (outside the Ottoman Empire) frightful episodes of genocide. Such bombing from the air as took place was, despite the travails of the Kaiser's fleet of Zeppelins, insignificant. Indeed one aspect of the first world war which is so deplored, namely the phenomenon of trench warfare and military stalemate, ensured that armies would lack the opportunity (even if they had possessed the wish) to rampage over enemy territory, burning cities and raping women.So why does the first world war continue to haunt, fascinate and puzzle us? Why is this war, more than any other, the struggle we commemorate? (Armistice day dates from the first world war as, for Australia and New Zealand, does Anzac Day.) And why are we convinced that that conflict, in particular, was history's prime example of war as horror and futility?One reason is its timing. In the century before 1914, wars between European states had been few and brief. Also during that century, European living standards (certainly in the industrializing west) had begun markedly to rise. With the seemingly irresistible development of an international industrial economy, of liberal systems of government, and of socialist ideals, the day seemed to be approaching when both endemic poverty and conflict between nations would become a thing of the past.The war of 1914-18 challenged this hopeful vision of a world more prosperous and more peaceful. It unveiled the dark side of industrial advancement: the prodigious capacity of modern industry to produce weapons of destruction in almost limitless quantities. It killed and maimed millions of healthy young males (disproportionately from the better nourished and educated and skilled sections of society). It witnessed prolonged engagements

No abstract

This paper uses Principal Components analysis to investigate voting, particularly voting for the Scottish Nationalist Party, in 84 municipal wards of four Scottish cities‐Aberdeen, Dundee, Edinburgh and Glasgow.

No abstract