Social class is shaped by an individual's material resources as well as perceptions of rank vis-à-vis others in society, and in this article, we examine how class influences behavior. Diminished resources and lower rank create contexts that constrain social outcomes for lower-class individuals and enhance contextualist tendencies--that is, a focus on external, uncontrollable social forces and other individuals who influence one's life outcomes. In contrast, abundant resources and elevated rank create contexts that enhance the personal freedoms of upper-class individuals and give rise to solipsistic social cognitive tendencies--that is, an individualistic focus on one's own internal states, goals, motivations, and emotions. Guided by this framework, we detail 9 hypotheses and relevant empirical evidence concerning how class-based contextualist and solipsistic tendencies shape the self, perceptions of the social environment, and relationships to other individuals. Novel predictions and implications for research in other socio-political contexts are considered.

The authors proposed a process model whereby experiences of rejection based on membership in a devalued group can lead people to anxiously expect, readily perceive, and intensely react to status-based rejection. To test the model, the authors focused on race-based rejection sensitivity (RS-race) among African Americans. Following the development and validation of the RS-Race Questionnaire (Studies 1 and 2), the authors tested the utility of the model for understanding African American students' experiences at a predominantly White university (Study 3). Students high in RS-race experienced greater discomfort during the college transition, less trust in the university, and relative declines in grades over a 2-to 3-year period. Positive race-related experiences, however, increased feelings of belonging at the institution among students high in RS-race.Every day, I wear a suit and tie. I get on the train. I always have The New York Times, and a cup of coffee too. But you know what? Every day, I am the last person people sit next to on the train! Especially White women. Do you know that one day I got off the train and I happened to be walking behind this woman and she clutched her bag, started walking faster, and kept turning around, as if I was following her! Like I wanted to take her purse . . . I'm so used to this happening that even when a woman might be in a rush to get to work, and maybe she didn't even see me, I think she's scared and running away from me. Your mind starts to play tricks on you like that, after a while.-Ian, African American focus group participant Whether one is a disabled person entering the workplace, a woman entering the U.S. military, or an African American student entering a predominantly White university, a history of rejecting experiences based on status characteristics can lead to doubts about one's acceptance by members of these social institutions (Aronson, Quinn, & Spencer, 1998;Branscombe, Schmitt, & Harvey, 1999;Crocker, Luhtanen, Broadnax, & Blaine, 1999;Goffman, 1963;Tyler, 1990;Tyler & Smith, 1998). Despite the removal of legal and other structural barriers to achieving diversity, research suggests that some members of historically excluded groups continue to experience such doubts in social institutions that have marginalized them in the past (Bowen & Bok, 1998;Frable, Blackstone, & Sherbaum, 1990;Jones, 1972Jones, /1997Steele, 1997;Steele & Aronson, 1995;Terrell & Terrell, 1981). In this article, we examine how expectations of rejection based on membership in a stigmatized social category or status group influence people's personal and interpersonal experiences in majoritydominated social institutions. In particular, we examine whether anxious expectations of rejection based on such group membership can strain social relationships and undermine people's confidence in the institution's fairness and legitimacy, diminishing the motivation to persist in the pursuit of valued personal goals. Support for this proposition would provide evidence that maximizing individual and instit...

CORRECTIONHigher social class predicts increased unethical behavior Seven studies using experimental and naturalistic methods reveal that upper-class individuals behave more unethically than lowerclass individuals. In studies 1 and 2, upper-class individuals were more likely to break the law while driving, relative to lower-class individuals. In follow-up laboratory studies, upper-class individuals were more likely to exhibit unethical decision-making tendencies (study 3), take valued goods from others (study 4), lie in a negotiation (study 5), cheat to increase their chances of winning a prize (study 6), and endorse unethical behavior at work (study 7) than were lowerclass individuals. Mediator and moderator data demonstrated that upper-class individuals' unethical tendencies are accounted for, in part, by their more favorable attitudes toward greed.hich social class is the more likely provenance of unethical behavior, the upper class or the lower class? Examining how social class is associated with unethical behavior, or actions that harm others and are illegal or morally objectionable to one's community (1), would shed light on behaviors such as cheating, deception, or breaking the law that have important consequences for society. On the one hand, lower-class individuals live in environments defined by fewer resources, greater threat, and more uncertainty (2, 3). It stands to reason, therefore, that lower-class individuals may be more motivated to behave unethically to increase their resources or overcome their disadvantage.A second line of reasoning, however, suggests the opposite prediction: namely, that the upper class may be more disposed to the unethical. Greater resources, freedom, and independence from others among the upper class give rise to self-focused socialcognitive tendencies (3-7), which we predict will facilitate unethical behavior. Historical observation lends credence to this idea. For example, the recent economic crisis has been attributed in part to the unethical actions of the wealthy (8). Religious teachings extol the poor and admonish the rich with claims like, "It will be hard for a rich person to enter the kingdom of heaven" (9). Building upon past findings, in the present investigation we tested whether upper-class individuals-relative to lower-class individuals-are more likely to engage in unethical behavior, and whether their attitudes toward greed might help explain this tendency.Social class, or socioeconomic status (SES), refers to an individual's rank vis-à-vis others in society in terms of wealth, occupational prestige, and education (2, 3). Abundant resources and elevated rank allow upper-class individuals increased freedom and independence (4), giving rise to self-focused patterns of social cognition and behavior (3). Relative to lower-class individuals, upper-class individuals have been shown to be less cognizant of others (4) and worse at identifying the emotions that others feel (5). Furthermore, upper-class individuals are more disengaged during social interactions-for e...

The authors induced cross-group friendship between Latinos/as and Whites to test the effects of cross-group friendship on anxiety in intergroup contexts. Cross-group friendship led to decreases in cortisol reactivity (a hormonal correlate of stress; W. R. Lovallo & T. L. Thomas, 2000) over 3 friendship meetings among participants high in race-based rejection sensitivity (R. Mendoza-Denton, G. Downey, V. J. Purdie, A. Davis, & J. Pietrzak, 2002) and participants high in implicit prejudice (A. G. Greenwald, B. A. Nosek, & M. R. Banaji, 2003). Cross-group partners' prior intergroup contact moderated the relationship between race-based rejection sensitivity and cortisol reactivity. Following the manipulation, participants kept daily diaries of their experiences in an ethnically diverse setting. Implicitly prejudiced participants initiated more intergroup interactions during the diary period after making a cross-group friend. Participants who had made a cross-group friend reported lower anxious mood during the diary period, which compensated for greater anxious mood among participants high in race-based rejection sensitivity. These findings provide experimental evidence that cross-group friendship is beneficial for people who are likely to experience anxiety in intergroup contexts.

People high in rejection sensitivity (RS) anxiously expect rejection and are at risk for interpersonal and personal distress. Two studies examined the role of self-regulation through strategic attention deployment in moderating the link between RS and maladaptive outcomes. Self-regulation was assessed by the delay of gratification (DG) paradigm in childhood. In Study 1, preschoolers from the Stanford University community who participated in the DG paradigm were assessed 20 years later. Study 2 assessed low-income, minority middle school children on comparable measures. DG ability buffered high-RS people from interpersonal difficulties (aggression, peer rejection) and diminished well-being (e.g., low self-worth, higher drug use). The protective effect of DG ability on high-RS children's self-worth is explained by reduced interpersonal problems. Attentional mechanisms underlying the interaction between RS and strategic self-regulation are discussed.People's fears and doubts about whether others will meet their needs for acceptance and belonging can cause them to behave in ways that erode their relationships and their sense of well-being