Over the last ten years a new approach to psychiatric knowledge has developed under the influence of social anthropology. Its origins, assumptions, methods, achievements, and limitations are reviewed.

Despite concern over their psychiatric treatment, little is known about black and ethnic minority patient satisfaction with psychiatric services and whether perceived 'ethnicity' or discrepant understanding of illness experience is most relevant. Twenty-one white British and 63 ethnic minority patients were interviewed for their opinions on psychiatric in-patient care, their treatment preferences and their explanatory models of their illness. The most significant association with satisfaction was not ethnic origin but the patient's explanatory model of their illness which showed little association with ethnicity whether patients were voluntary or involuntary. Satisfaction is most likely when there is concordance between the patient's and psychiatrist's explanatory model.

Public responses to depression have a powerful effect on patients' personal experience of illness, the course and outcome of the illness, and their ability to obtain gainful employment. Mental illness-related stigma reduction has become a priority, and to be effective, it requires innovative and effective public mental health interventions based on a clear understanding of what stigma means. Based on Goffman's formulation as spoiled identity, local concepts of stigma were validated and compared in clinical cultural epidemiological studies of depression in Bangalore, India, and London, England, using the EMIC, an instrument for studying illness-related experience, its meaning, and related behaviour. Similar indicators were validated in both centres, and the internal consistency examined to identify those that contributed to a locally coherent concept and scale for stigma. Qualitative meaning of specific features of stigma at each site were clarified from patients' prose narrative accounts. Concerns about marriage figured prominently as a feature of illness experience in both centres, but it was consistent with other indicators of stigma only in Bangalore, not in London. Although stigma is a significant issue across societies, particular manifestations may vary, and the cultural validity of indicators should be examined locally. Analysis of cultural context in the narrative accounts of illness indicates the variation and complexity in the relationship between various aspects of illness experience and stigma. This report describes an approach following from the application of cultural epidemiological methods for identifying and measuring locally valid features of stigma in a scale for baseline and followup assessment to monitor stigma reduction programmes, cultural study, and cross-cultural comparisons.

Background:Major international studies on course and outcome of schizophrenia suggest a better prognosis in the rural world and in low-income nations. Industrialization is thought to result in increased stigma for mental illness, which in turn is thought to worsen prognosis. The lack of an ethnographically derived and cross-culturally valid measure of stigma has hampered investigation. The present study deploys such a scale and examines stigmatizing attitudes towards the severely mentally ill among rural and urban community dwellers in India.Aim:To test the hypothesis that there are fewer stigmatizing attitudes towards the mentally ill amongst rural compared to urban community dwellers in India.Materials and Methods:An ethnographically derived and vignette-based stigmatization scale was administered to a general community sample comprising two rural and one urban site in India. Responses were analyzed using univariate and multivariate statistical methods.Result:Rural Indians showed significantly higher stigma scores, especially those with a manual occupation. The overall pattern of differences between rural and urban samples suggests that the former deploy a punitive model towards the severely mentally ill, while the urban group expressed a liberal view of severe mental illness. Urban Indians showed a strong link between stigma and not wishing to work with a mentally ill individual, whereas no such link existed for rural Indians.Conclusion:This is the first study, using an ethnographically derived stigmatization scale, to report increased stigma amongst a rural Indian population. Findings from this study do not fully support the industrialization hypothesis to explain better outcome of severe mental illness in low-income nations. The lack of a link between stigma and work attitudes may partly explain this phenomenon.

SynopsisVarious studies have shown: (i) increased rates of psychoses in immigrants to Britain, and a particularly high rate of schizophrenia in the West Indian- and West African-born; and (ii) a greater proportion of atypical psychoses in immigrants. A retrospective study of psychotic inpatients from a London psychiatric unit demonstrated increased rates of schizophrenia in patients from the Caribbean and West Africa. These patients included a high proportion of those with paranoid and religious phenomenology, those with frequent changes of diagnosis, formal admissions, and married women. The West Indian-born had been in Britain for nearly 10 years before first seeing a psychiatrist and, if they had an illness with religious symptomatology, were likely to have been in hospital for only 3 weeks. Rates of schizophrenia without paranoid phenomenology were similar in each ethnic group. It is suggested that the increase in the diagnosis of schizophrenia in the West Indian- born, and possibly in the West African-born, may be due in part to the occurrence of acute psychotic reactions which are diagnosed as schizophrenia.