With data from 33 nations, we illustrate the differences between cultures that are tight (have many strong norms and a low tolerance of deviant behavior) versus loose (have weak social norms and a high tolerance of deviant behavior). Tightness-looseness is part of a complex, loosely integrated multilevel system that comprises distal ecological and historical threats (e.g., high population density, resource scarcity, a history of territorial conflict, and disease and environmental threats), broad versus narrow socialization in societal institutions (e.g., autocracy, media regulations), the strength of everyday recurring situations, and micro-level psychological affordances (e.g., prevention self-guides, high regulatory strength, need for structure). This research advances knowledge that can foster cross-cultural understanding in a world of increasing global interdependence and has implications for modeling cultural change.

We propose a refined theory of basic individual values intended to provide greater heuristic and explanatory power than the original theory of 10 values (Schwartz, 1992). The refined theory more accurately expresses the central assumption of the original theory that research has largely ignored: Values form a circular motivational continuum. The theory defines and orders 19 values on the continuum based on their compatible and conflicting motivations, expression of self-protection vs. growth, and personal vs. social focus. We assess the theory with a new instrument in 15 samples from 10 countries (N=6059 basic values are organized into a coherent system that underlies and can help to explain individual decision-making, attitudes, and behavior. This coherent structure is arises from the social and psychological conflict or congruity between values that people experience when they make everyday decisions (Schwartz, 1992(Schwartz, , 2006a.The first and second columns of Table 1 list the ten basic values identified in the theory and their conceptual definitions. These values are likely to be universal because they are grounded in one or more of three universal requirements of human existence with which people must cope:needs of individuals as biological organisms, requisites of coordinated social interaction, and survival and welfare needs of groups. Each value is grounded in one or more of these three universal requirements of human existence (Schwartz, 1994). Table 1 about here 1 Google Scholar April 22, 2012 lists over 8200 citations to the three major articles that introduced the theory (Schwartz & Bilsky, 1987;Schwartz, 1992Schwartz, , 1994. which we separated the thought and action facets, revealed that the thought facet alone, and not the action facet, accounted for this association.Turning to security values, Schwartz's (1992) definition included two conceptual facets, personal security (safety for self) and societal security (stability and order in society). A study in Italy, Spain, and Germany separated these facets of security when predicting perceptions of the consequences of immigration (Vecchione, et al., in press). In a structural equation model, societal security strongly predicted perceptions that immigration has negative consequences in all three countries, whereas personal security did not predict at all. This revealed that the aspect of security values that led to perceiving immigration as threatening was concern for the impact of immigration on societal stability and order, not concern for one's personal safety.These examples illustrate the potential benefits of a refined theory that partitions the motivational continuum of values into a larger number of more narrowly defined, conceptually

Researchers often compare groups of individuals on psychological variables. When comparing groups an assumption is made that the instrument measures the same psychological construct in all groups. If this assumption holds, the comparisons are valid and differences/similarities between groups can be meaningfully interpreted. If this assumption does not hold, comparisons and interpretations are not fully meaningful. The establishment of measurement invariance is a prerequisite for meaningful comparisons across groups. This paper first reviews the importance of equivalence in psychological research, and then the main theoretical and methodological issues regarding measurement invariance within the framework of confirmatory factor analysis. A step-by-step empirical example of measurement invariance testing is provided along with syntax examples for fitting such models in LISREL.Key words: measurement invariance, cross-cultural research, confirmatory factor analysis, LISREL. RESUMENLos investigadores a menudo comparan grupos de individuos en diferentes variables psicológicas. Cuando se comparan grupos se asume que el instrumento usado para la medición da cuenta de los mismos constructos psicológicos en todos los grupos. Si tal suposición es cierta, las comparaciones son válidas y las diferencias/similitudes entre los grupos pueden ser interpretadas apropiadamente. Si tal suposición no es cierta, las comparaciones e interpretaciones pierden validez. El establecimiento de la invariancia en las mediciones es un prerrequisito esencial para lograr comparaciones apropiadas entre grupos. En este artículo se presenta primero la importancia de la invariancia en investigación psicológica y luego se presentan asuntos teóricos y metodológicos en relación con la invariancia en las mediciones dentro del marco del análisis factorial confirmatorio. Se presenta un ejemplo en LISREL que ejemplifica la prueba de invariancia de mediciones.Palabras clave: invariancia en las mediciones, investigación transcultural, análisis factorial confirmatorio, LISREL

Este artigo descreve a teoria funcionalista dos valores humanos e a relaciona com variáveis importantes para as organizações. A teoria identifica duas funções consensuais dos valores: os valores guiam as ações e dão expressão às necessidades humanas. A primeira função diferencia três tipos de orientações valorativas (social, central e pessoal), enquanto a segunda função classifica os valores como humanitários ou materialistas. A união dessas duas funções origina seis subfunções de valores (experimentação, realização, existência, suprapessoal, interacional e normativa). Três estudos empíricos são apresentados, examinando a influência das subfunções no comprometimento organizacional de funcionários de uma empresa privada (Estudo 1), no bem-estar afetivo de funcionários de uma prefeitura (Estudo 2) e na fadiga e burnout de enfermeiros, médicos e psicólogos (Estudo 3). Os resultados demonstram a influência dos valores nessas variáveis e são discutidos de acordo com a teoria funcionalista dos valores.

Most people hold beliefs about personality characteristics typical of members of their own and others' cultures. These perceptions of national character may be generalizations from personal experience, stereotypes with a “kernel of truth,” or inaccurate stereotypes. We obtained national character ratings of 3989 people from 49 cultures and compared them with the average personality scores of culture members assessed by observer ratings and self-reports. National character ratings were reliable but did not converge with assessed traits. Perceptions of national character thus appear to be unfounded stereotypes that may serve the function of maintaining a national identity.