Several studies has cast the political participation of young people in general, which resulted in the existence of a political tsunami in Malaysia. In this article, we examine how university students (young people) participated in campus politics, which contributed to Malaysia's political tsunami. Protest is one type of political participation that has transformed into a new form of political action that includes petitions, demonstrations, rallies and boycotts. It arose as a result of the growth of political expression and mobilisation. Taking Fox, J and Gurr's perspective on the conflict model, this study assumes that cultural, religious, economic, and political discrimination thus creates group discontent (minorities) and contributes to protests and demonstrations. The purpose of this study is to identify the significant factors that contribute to political protest among students, particularly at Malaysian public institutions, by placing young people as a minority group in society. A collection of data responders from 60 students from a national university, Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia, in campus elections was used to get answers to the factors of university students' political participation. The findings highlight the fact that protests among young people will be facilitated by a group of provocateurs formed as a result of shared pressure. Apart from that, political mobilisation is also the root cause of demonstrations. This study implies that a university policy and a policymaker must consider the demands of minority groups for rights and justice, as well as the rights and efforts to defend race and religion.

AbstrakSejak akhir-akhir ini, terdapat perubahan dilihat dalam penyertaan politik anak-anak muda, terutamanya di negara-negara membangun termasuklah Malaysia. Evolusi perjuangan politik generasi muda radikal di Malaysia bermula seawal hari Malaysia mencapai kemerdekaan pada 31 Ogos 1957. Corak dan trend gerakan golongan muda sejak kemerdekaan dapat dilihat dengan jelas. Objektif tertentu digariskan khusus untuk menyuarakan kebimbangan mereka untuk beberapa isu yang berkaitan dengan masyarakat dan merayu kepada kerajaan untuk menangani isu-isu tersebut. Oleh itu, fokus kajian ini adalah untuk membincangkan penglibatan mahasiswa dalam politik kampus dan melihat elemen pendemokrasian yang dilakukan oleh mahasiswa universiti serta perubahan budaya berpolitik mereka. Data berbentuk primer dan sekunder dianalisis secara kualitatif. Kajian ini dilakukan dengan menggunakan borang kaji selidik terhadap 60 orang responden bagi tahun 2014 dan 130 responden untuk tahun 2015. Hasil kajian menunjukkan faktor internal yang paling signifikan mendorong mahasiswa memprotes dan bukan dipengaruhi oleh politik luar semata-mata. Penglibatan anak muda sangat penting dalam usaha pendemokrasian dan sebagai usaha ke arah pembentukan landskap politik yang baharu di Malaysia. AbstractRecently, there has been a noticeable shift in youth political participation, especially in developing countries such as Malaysia. The evolution of radical youth political struggle in Malaysia began soon after its independence on 31 st August 1957. The patterns and trends of this youth movement since then became apparent due to its specific objectives, particularly on voicing their concerns on issues affecting the community and call for a more proactive government to resolve these issues. The objective of this study is to discuss the most significant factors of student participation in campus politics, the democratization process of university students as well as changes in their political culture. This study uses qualitative and quantitative analysis for its primary and secondary data. A total of 60 respondents for 2014, 129 respondents for 2015 and 130 respondents for 2016 were selected respectively and data collection was obtained through a questionnaire. The findings show that internal factors significantly encouraged students to protest and not the influences of external politics. Youth participation is imperative in the democratization process and in efforts towards the realization of a new political landscape in Malaysia.

The objective of this study is to examine political blogging, particularly in relation to electoral process in Malaysia. This study used Grounded Theory approach and content analysis method by analyzing 193 internet political blogs. The selected blogs were categorized into three main categories: the pro-government blogs, the opposition blogs and the neutral blogs. The finding reveals that the opposition parties utilized more blogs to discuss local political issues compared to the ruling parties. Both the oppositions and the ruling parties generally not refrained from attacking other political parties and saw it as a tool of campaigning. There was evidence that the popularity of certain politician was heighten because of their blog, even though many said such popularity did not contribute to vote payoff. The finding shows that 114 political blogs did not support the government and only 28 blogs supported the government. The main issues discussed by the bloggers were about the leadership of the Prime Minister. It also shows that Malay bloggers dominated the political blogs. They liked to use their pseudonyms to protect their real identities. Most of them were male and the youth were the most active. This study implies that political blog was widely used by the cyber society to share information and to speak their mind freely and openly. Therefore, more researchers should concentrate more on studying political blogging as key media of political communication especially in a multi-ethnic society. The contributions of this study include: (1) developing a holistic understanding on the mechanism of government website utilization, (2) identifying a few new theoretical concepts that were not explored in previous studies, (3) revealing that value acquisition is the essence of government website utilization, and (4) formulating a derivative conceptual model for delineating the process of information source selection.

This paper examines several factors that can help in-depth understanding of the relationship between natural resources and politics in Sudan. These factors include: fragile state and the way of distribution of resources and wealth, Rentier state, governance efficiency, natural resource and secession wars, and peace agreements and wealth sharing issue. All these factors determine natural resource management process and state-citizen relationship in a given country. The unobtrusive research method is a qualitative method mostly applicable in social inquiry. It is a type of non-participative observation and natural work taken from the real world setting, to gather data from the research site and allows the researcher to study the reality without directly affecting the data collection process (Rubbin and Babbie 2011). Moreover, this natural characteristic of the method allows the researchers to connect between reality and the study closely, independently and in non-responsive ways and also avoid the occurrence of mistakes due to the researcher's presence (Webb et al 1966; Sechert and Philips 1979 and Raymond 2000). In practice, there are various forms of unobtrusive methods used for the purpose of analysis. These include content analysis, existing data analysis and historical analysis. The latter also contains evaluation reports, reading of historical records and longitudinal analysis (Babbie 2010).

This paper challenges to identify the origins behind the weakness of the relationship between the center and regions in Sudan, through examining the major principles of resource governance mainly during federal system and interim period following the singing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement in 2005. It demonstrates that, within the country, successive constitutions and their relevant laws have empowered the center over resource governance and weakened lower units and thus, they fuel contestation between the center and regions. The main objectives of this paper are to categorize allocation of power over resource between different tires of government, and to clarify institutional capacity of revenue distributive among regions as well. Content analysis is used to analyze a body of data that contains document, reports, articles and interviews. The paper shows that centralized nature of the government influences tailoring of equitable allocation of power over resource. Wealth sharing' institutions emergent during interim period of peace such as Fiscal, Finance, Allocation and Monitoring Commission were found weak, consequently, were impeded shortly after peace collapsed in 20011, as well as the absence of adequate, fair criteria challenges appropriate allocation of wealth among regions. The paper also finds that presence of authorized devolution system is only the way to secure reasonable distribution of power between the center and regions, adequate distribution of revenue among regions and normalize the relationship between different tiers of government. This work contributes to knowledge as it deepens the understanding and advance current debate on the contesting relationship between the center and regions in Sudan.