Citation for final published version:Garner, Ross P. 2016. Symbolic and cued immersion: paratextual framing strategies on the Doctor Abstract:This article employs autoethnographic reflections to contribute towards debates concerning film-induced tourism (Beeton, 2005) by analysing the officially-endorsed Doctor Who Experience Walking Tour around filming locations from the BBC series in Cardiff Bay, Wales. Approaching this tour as an example of paratextuality (Gray, 2010), the article pursues two arguments. Firstly, it reflects upon the attempts used within the tour for encouraging connection between participants and the locations visited from the perspective of immersion. However, noting preceding positions (Brooker, 2005), it is recognized that the tour constructs forms of imaginative immersion. The terms symbolic and cued immersion are subsequently introduced to consider the strategies that the tour employs to position fans and engage them with its frequently quotidian spaces. Secondly, the article explores the links between the tour's immersive strategies and its institutional context arguing that these assist in reinforcing core brand values regarding BBC Worldwide.The Doctor Who Experience Walking Tour (DWEWT hereafter) is an hour-and-a-half organized excursion around places in, or in close proximity to, the Mermaid Quay area of Cardiff Bay which have been used for filming the globally-successful (Chapman, 2013, p. 270) BBC series Doctor Who. The tour is a paid-for attraction, costing an extra £3 on top of the entry fee for the Doctor Who Experience, and is offered infrequently to paying Experience visitors throughout the year (typically on weekends, school and/or public holidays). The tour is promoted as offering the opportunity to "[s]ee over 30 filming locations from Doctor Who in this one-and-a-half mile walk" ("Walking Tours", n.d., para. 2). TheTour's marketing thus discursively distinguishes itself by employing "authenticities of place" (Hills, 2006, p. 71), which translates as a geographical ""closeness" to the text" (Hills, 2006, p. 69), arising from both Cardiff's status as Doctor Who's contemporary production base and the Experience and Tour's proximity to BBC Wales' Roath Lock studios where the programme is shot (the studios are visible from the Experience building and at points throughout the tour). These appeals to distinction are further reinforced by the DWEWT's status as a product affiliated with BBC Worldwide -the BBC's commercial operations wing -which is required to "build the BBC's brands, audiences, commercial returns and reputation across the world …through investing in, commercializing and showcasing content from the BBC" (BBC Worldwide, n.d., para. 1). Writing in relation to the Doctor Who Experience proper, Melissa Beattie (2013, p. 179) summarizes the institutional context(s) surrounding the attraction: "The "Doctor Who Experience" itself is a large, purpose-built facility that houses a number of props from both classic and new Doctor Who. It is owned by Cardiff County Council b...

This article contributes towards debates concerning media tourism and tour guiding by using Pierre Bourdieu's (1993) arguments regarding field and capital to analyse performed tour guide identities on BBC Worldwide's Doctor Who Experience Walking Tour in Cardiff Bay. The article pursues three core arguments: firstly, that a Bourdieusian framework provides an enhanced understanding of the insecure positions that tour guides occupy in what is referred to throughout as the tourism field. Secondly, that the divergent pulls between heteronomous and autonomous poles which position tour guides are magnified in officially-located media tours because of the presence of branding and theming discourses. Thirdly, drawing upon empirical data from the Doctor Who tour, that the symbolic capital of official guides involves demonstrations of what is named tourism-cultural capital but such displays do not result in an increase in individualised status as any accrued capital transfers to the institutional level.

This article extends existing work in Television Studies on branding through a study of rebranding practices. To this end, the discussion takes the mainstream UK commercial broadcaster ITV's 2013 rebranding as a case study and examines both the institutional contexts motivating change and the construction of its altered brand image through publicity materials. Engaging with the latter allows for strategies of what I have called brand reconciliation as, despite focusing on the channel's contemporary output, publicity stills demonstrating the channel's new logo attempt to activate popular audience memories of the broadcaster and unite its 'past' and 'present' incarnations.Keywords: ITV, rebranding, television industry, UK, popular memory, public service.On the 14 January 2013, ITV plc-the organisation that runs the UK's commercially funded television network founded in 1955-implemented a major re-brand. Using this overhaul of both the wider company and the main ITV channel as a case study, this article extends discussions of television and branding in two ways. Firstly, the article focuses on institutional rebranding and considers why a television company and channel radically altered its public image. Preceding academic work on tele-rebranding has offered a slightly one-dimensional account of these processes by equating such decisions with either 'networks struggling in the ratings' or being 'adopted at times of crisis ' (Johnson 2012, 139). Developing these positions, this article argues that other institutional factors must be considered on a case-by-case basis to achieve a more nuanced understanding of why television institutions (and their individually-branded channels) undergo rebranding exercises.

This Editorial sketches out some initial contexts and parameters for the concept of transmedia tourism-the academic neologism which the articles in this Special Issue explore in greater detail. It is argued that transmedia tourism should be understood as a historical term whose emergence is intertwined with both theories of convergence culture (Jenkins 2006) and the experience economy (Pine and Gilmore 1998). The Editorial also reflects upon the methodologies used for exploring transmedia tourism throughout the Special Issue, offering reflections on and dismissals of objections to autoethnography as a way of studying how mediated spaces are experienced from an anthropological perspective.

At the launch of the Twin Peaks: The Entire Mystery Blu-ray box set, actor James Marshall (who played the series' James Dean-esque biker teen James Hurley) responded as follows when questioned about the programme's enduring appeal: