This research was funded by the Centre for Ageing Better as part of a programme of work understanding Patterns of Work in Later Life. Cofunding from the ESRC-funded Centre for the Microeconomic Analysis of Public Policy (ES/M010147/1) is also gratefully acknowledged. All opinions and any errors are the sole responsibility of the authors only. The ELSA Covid-19 Study data used in this research is funded by ESRC as part of UK Research and Innovation's rapid response to COVID-19.

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• Total public spending is forecast to be 48.1% of national income in 2010−11, up by 8.2% of national income from the 39.9% Labour inherited from the Conservatives. This would be the highest level of public spending as a share of national income since 1982−83. • Most industrial countries have increased public spending as a share of national income since 1997. But between 1997 and 2007-prior to the financial crisis-the UK had the 2nd largest increase in spending as a share of national income out of 28 industrial countries for which we have comparable data. Over the period from 1997 to 2010-including the crisis-the UK had the largest increase. This moved the UK from having the 22nd largest proportion of national income spent publically in 1997 to having the 6th largest proportion spent publically in 2010. • Spending on public services has increased by an average of 4.4% a year in real terms under Labour, significantly faster than the 0.7% a year average seen under the Conservatives from 1979 to 1997. This is largely due to increases in spending on the NHS, education and transport. Since 2000-01 public investment spending has increased particularly sharply and is now at levels not seen since the mid to late 1970s. Despite large increases in the generosity of benefits for lower income families with children and lower income pensioners social security spending has grown less quickly than it did under the Conservatives. 1 This series of Election Briefing Notes has been funded by the Nuffield Foundation, grant OPD/36607. The Nuffield Foundation is an endowed charitable trust that aims to improve social well-being in the widest sense. It funds research and innovation in education and social policy and also works to build capacity in education, science and social science research.

The authors gratefully acknowledge funding from the Nuffield Foundation, which has provided generous support for ongoing IFS analysis relating to the 2015 general election. The Nuffield Foundation is an endowed charitable trust that aims to improve social wellbeing in the widest sense. It funds research and innovation in education and social policy and also works to build capacity in education, science and social science research.

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