Two provocative claims about eyewitness confidence have recently been advanced in the eyewitnessidentification literature: (a) suspect identifications made with high confidence are highly accurate and (b) high-confidence suspect-identification accuracy is unaffected by variations in memory strength. Several recent publications have reiterated these claims in spite of providing weak or no support. We present four criteria that can be used to evaluate the empirical support for these claims. Regarding the claim that high confidence implies high accuracy, it is necessary to consider whether (a) high-confidence suspect identifications are in fact highly accurate and (b) high-confidence suspect-identification accuracy is dependent on the assumption of a perfectly fair lineup. Results of a base-rate analysis show that lowering the threshold for the claim that high confidence implies high accuracy undermines the claim substantially. Likewise, relaxing the assumption of a perfectly fair lineup may also undermine the claim. In regard to the claim that high-confidence suspect-identification accuracy is unaffected by variations in memory strength, it is necessary to demonstrate that (a) the conditions under comparison actually differ in memory strength, and (b) there is evidence that high-confidence suspect-identification accuracy is equivalent across conditions. We conclude with discussion of whether laboratory experiments have the capacity to provide valid estimates of high-confidence suspect-identification accuracy in real cases. We believe laboratory experiments have the capacity to estimate high-confidence suspect identification accuracy at the time of an identification procedure, but due to a prominent selection bias, we are skeptical of their capacity to estimate high-confidence suspect-identification accuracy at trial.

Rapport is often viewed as the foundation of a successful investigative interview for its ability to increase cooperation and help interviewers obtain reliable and comprehensive information. However, rapport building may also serve to increase interpersonal influence and thereby might increase the power of other tactics, such as minimization. The present study experimentally manipulated both rapport building and moral minimization to test their combined effects on the reporting of crime-relevant details. Interviewers posing as police interns interviewed 188 undergraduates to procure detailed information pertaining to participants' actual criminal behavior for which they believed they could face legal consequences. In the course of completing scripted interviews that included both open and cued questions, interviewers either built rapport or not, and either morally minimized participants' criminal behavior or not. Although neither rapport nor moral minimization independently increased the number of crime-relevant details acquired in the interview, they did evidence synergistic effects. This was indicated by a significant interaction, wherein moral minimization increased the number of crime-relevant details acquired during the interview, but only in combination with rapport. Similarly, rapport increased the number of crime-relevant details acquired, but only in combination with moral minimization. Although results support the importance of rapport within investigative interviews, they more generally indicate the potential for more synergistic effects between interviewing tactics. Accordingly, findings encourage the use of rapport in the conduct of information-gathering interviews designed to obtain comprehensive and truthful accounts and emphasize the prudence of avoiding potentially coercive tactics that might be strengthened when paired with rapport.

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Childhood obesity is a serious health problem in the United States that affects millions of children and adolescents. Obese children are more prone to chronic illnesses, and these risks persist into adulthood. The Richard B. Russell National School Lunch Act (42 U.S.C. 1751 et seq.) sought to promote better nutrition among children, especially those who may otherwise not have access to healthy meals, by providing lunches that meet defined nutritional standards. Despite this effort, obesity rates continue to rise and there is little evidence favoring the effectiveness of the National School Lunch Act in reducing obesity incidence among children. Recently, policymakers proposed expanding nutrition education efforts to the classroom to address the current limitations of the National School Lunch Act (i.e., H.R.5892 and S.3293). However, education efforts alone are insufficient to foster long-lasting healthy eating patterns among children. Therefore, we propose that Congress amend the National School Lunch Act to include three evidence-based approaches: a 50-hour education program (H.R.5892), equitable partnerships between schools, local businesses and nonprofit organizations (S.3293), and a community engagement program designed to impact dietary behavior beyond the classroom.