Purpose While awareness of sexual assaults on college campuses has increased, the majority of efforts to address it are focused on female victims. The relative neglect of male victims may be due in part to problematic rape myths that suggest men cannot be sexually assaulted, especially by women. The purpose of this paper is to compare rates of different types of sexual assault between male and female undergraduates, and explore the relationship between acceptance of traditional rape myths focused on female victims, and rape myths surrounding male victims. Design/methodology/approach Students at a mid-sized university in Pennsylvania (n=526) answered an online questionnaire about their own experiences of sexual assault since coming to college, as well as their endorsement of male and female rape myths. Findings While women experienced more sexual assault overall, men were just as likely to have experienced rape (i.e. forced penetration) or attempted rape. Acceptance of male and female rape myths was significantly correlated and men were more likely than women to endorse both. Participants were also more likely to endorse female than male rape myths. Research limitations/implications By analyzing sexual assaults in terms of distinct behaviors instead of one composite score, the authors can get a more nuanced picture of how men and women experience assault. Practical implications Campus-based efforts to address sexual assault need to be aware that male students also experience assault and that myths surrounding men as victims may impede their ability to access services. Originality/value This paper contributes to our knowledge of a relatively understudied topic: undergraduate male victims of sexual assault.

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Past research has considered factors that contribute to students' attitudes about group projects. Much of this research has focused on the influence of demographic characteristics such as gender, race, and age. This study extends that past research and considers whether participating in group projects potentially changes students' attitudes about group projects. Surveys were conducted with 85 students, 48 of whom had just completed a group project. Results showed that students who just completed a group project had slightly different attitudes about group projects than those who did not. Attention was also given to the total number of group projects to which students were exposed. Analyses showed that those who were exposed to more group projects held different attitudes about group projects than those who had fewer group projects. Implications are provided.

Although sex-role identification has been found to be associated with crime and delinquency, the link between sex-role identification and violent victimization has remained largely unexplored. Using the Add Health data, this study examines sex-role identification and its relationship to violent victimization. The findings suggest that masculinity increases the risk of violent victimization for males, but does not for females. Other differences in risk factors across gender were also found. These findings indicate that masculinity is an important construct in understanding the complexity of why some persons are violently victimized and others are not.

Research has shown that a portion of crime victims experience more than one victimization, known as repeat victimization. For women, repeat victimization is most commonly in the form of sexual victimization and intimate partner violence (IPV). Understanding the prevalence of repeat victimization and why some individuals may be at greater risk of being a repeat victim is important when examining this unique population of victims. This entry will discuss the extent, explanations, and risk factors, and the consequences of repeat victimization.