The macro-regional strategy (MRS) of the European Union (EU) is widely acknowledged as a soft form of governance. To this view, the identified macro-regions (MRs) are loosely demarcated regions, the governance of which hinges on the informal coordination and flexible involvement of actors. However, it is also stated that MRs have the potential to solidify. Nevertheless, how this solidification may be handled in integrity has not been addressed in studies on MRS. This study proposes an integrated framework for this matter. Considering that the scale may be configured and reconfigured, MRS offers a new governance level that has territorial dimensions in certain respects. It delineates a macro-regional scale with the aim of promoting the autonomy and ability of the identified MRs to produce policies. In this regard, the study suggests that MRS may introduce a new territorial scale on the basis of three variables as delimitation, place-based governance, and territorialisation of policy-making.

ÖZKarayipler Topluluğu (Caribbean Community-CARICOM), Karayipler bölgesinde bölgesel bütünleşmenin sağlanmasına ilişkin olarak ihdas edilmiş bir örgüttür. Söz konusu örgüt, üye devletler arasında çeşitli alanlarda iş birliği ve koordinasyonun geliştirilmesini hedeflemektedir. Bununla birlikte üye devletler arasında bölgesel düzeyde ortak pazar ve ekonomi oluşturulması, ilgili örgüt bünyesinde oluşturulan ortaklığın asli unsurunu teşkil etmektedir. Başka bir deyişle ekonomik bütünleşme, CARICOM'un öncelikli kuruluş hedefini oluşturmaktadır. Bu kapsamda devletler arasındaki ortaklık formlarından biri olan bölgesel bütünleşmenin niteliği ve bütünleşme açısından gelişmiş bir örgüt olan Avrupa Birliği (AB) örneği dikkate alındığında, CARICOM bünyesinde uluslar üstü yetkilere sahip bir merkezin ortaya çıkması ve egemenlik yetkilerinin bir kısmının CARICOM'a devredilmesi gerekmektedir. Ancak CARICOM, öncelikli olarak hükümetler arası iş birliği yönteminin belirleyici olduğu bir yapıda işlemektedir. Bu durum, ulusal ölçeğin ötesinde bütünleşmenin sağlanmasına yönelik olarak CARICOM'un kapasitesinin tartışılmasını gerektirmektedir. Bu bağlamda bu çalışma, bölgesel bütünleşme kavramını ve AB bütünleşmesi örneğini dikkate Araştırma Makalesi (Research Article

As a regional organization, the European Union (EU) interacts with actors of international relations in various ways in conducting its foreign relations, including interregional interactions. The EU establishes interregional relations with regional organizations, states, and groups of states and participates in interregional interaction mechanisms. The Asia-Europe Meeting (ASEM) is among the interaction channels of the EU in its relations with Asia. ASEM, held in 1996 first, is an initiative to develop political, economic, social, and cultural relations between Asia and Europe and create awareness between the peoples of the two regions. In this framework, considering the concept of interregionalism, this study deals with the basic rationality and functioning of ASEM, an interregional interaction pattern in the EU’s relations with Asia, and makes statements on the dialogue process.

Richard Rosecrance'in sistem yaklaşımı temelinde soğuk savaş sonrası dönem ve uluslararası sistemde istikrar Post-cold war era and stability in international system in the perspective of system approach of Richard Rosecrance

This study deals with Turkey's Iraq War Decision that led up to the March 1 Parliamentary Motion Crisis in 2003 from the perspective of neoclassical realism, which analyzes the interaction between systemic and unit-level variables. The United States requested Turkey's collaboration in the war against Iraq. The Justice and Development Party (AK Party) government initially sought a peaceful settlement but eventually decided to align with the United States. Systemic and structural factors made cooperation with the United States an imperative for Turkey, which may be classified as a secondary state in the regional context. While the domestic political environment was favorable for the Turkish government to reach such a decision, it was hindered by the Grand National Assembly of Turkey (GNAT). In this framework, the study has two primary purposes. The first is to prove that in restrictive international environments where opportunities and threats are clear and the decision-making process is constrained by time, domestic divisions may matter in foreign policy and prevail over the systemic imperative, contrary to conventional expectations. The second is to demonstrate that in a restrictive international milieu, strong leadership, a factor underappreciated by neoclassical realists, is essential even for single-party governments, which are normally expected to have greater autonomy in democratic parliamentary systems, to formulate foreign policy.