Previous studies have shown some tendency toward increased residential racial and ethnic integration, especially in large West Coast metropolitan areas. They have also shown in limited studies that integration, or at least declines in separation, occur with increases in socioeconomic status. The results of this study, using recently released 2000 census data for metropolitan areas with large numbers of foreign born, show that indeed separation does decline with increases in socioeconomic status though it also varies by geography, education, and income and is significantly variable across different ethnic groups in the large immigrant cities. The research in this study also documents the continuing hierarchy of greater integration of Whites with Asians and Whites with Hispanics than with African Americans. It is clear that the changing patterns of separation have moved beyond Black-White contexts. Still, class clearly matters, as integration is greater at higher education levels, and suburban areas in general are more integrated than urban cores.

This article advances the argument that changing economic conditions in the home country act as an important determinant for sending remittances. Research on the determinants of remittances has tended to focus on the characteristics of the sending population. In the case of Cuba, disproportionate attention is paid to political disincentives to send remittances and not enough to changing state policy and the growing economic demand for remittances in that country. Using empirical data gathered from households in Havana, this article tests the importance of economic conditions in the home country, political ideology, the relationship of the sender to the receiver, the length of time away from home, and gender as determinants for remittances. Migration during an economic crisis, having immediate relatives in the home country, and female gender positively influenced remittance behavior for Cuban emigrants. Visits to the home country, especially for migrants who had left decades earlier, were found to be critical for reestablishing family connections and increasing remittances. No support was found for political disincentives as a major determinant of remittance sending to Cuba.

Scholars of Cuba have long linked Afro-Cubans' fate to the revolutionary government. As the government's influence on people's daily lives has declined over the past decade, the question arises of whether Afro-Cubans have sustained the gains they achieved in the revolution's first 30 years. This article uses survey data, collected in December 2000 from 334 Cuban families in Havana, to assess the impact of the post-1993 economic reforms on rising racial inequality in Cuba. It asks whether racial inequities occur in accessing dollars through state employment, self-employment, or remittances, and whether educational gains are tied to higher income. Results indicate that the structural means through which racial discrimination was once virtually eliminated through equal access to education and employment, and through which income levels became equalized according to educational level regardless of racial group, has lost its equalizing force in contemporary Cuba. uba's 1993-95 economic restructuring formalized a dual economy C and created a restricted market opening. In its wake, social differen- 35

In March 2020, the United States government began a series of measures designed to dramatically restrict immigration as part of its response to the global health crisis caused by the coronavirus pandemic. This included Title 42, which deported asylum seekers immediately and prevented them from applying for asylum. These measures worsened an already precarious situation at the US–Mexico border for an estimated 60,000 asylum seekers who were prevented, by the Trump administration’s ‘Remain in Mexico’ (aka MPP) policy enacted in January 2019, from remaining in the United States while they awaited their asylum hearings. In-depth interviews, participant observation, and social media analysis with humanitarian and legal advocates for asylum seekers living in a camp at the border in Matamoros, Mexico reveal that COVID-19’s impacts are not limited to public health concerns. Rather, COVID-19’s impacts center on how the Trump administration weaponized the virus to indefinitely suspend the asylum system. We argue that the Matamoros refugee camp provides a strategic vantage point to understand the repercussions of state policies of exclusion on im/mobility and survival strategies for asylum seekers. Specifically, we use the analytical lenses of the politics of im/mobility, geographies of exclusion, and asylum seeker resilience to identify how COVID-19 has shaped the im/mobility and security of the camp and its residents in unexpected ways. At the same time, our research illustrates that camp residents exercise im/mobility as a form of political visibility to contest and ameliorate their precarity as they find themselves in conditions not of their choosing.

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