This study explores variable Spanish subject pronoun expression (e.g., yo veo ~ veo) in Spanish-English speaking children in different regions of the United States (U.S.): Los Angeles (LA), California, and the Tri-Cities area of the state of Washington. We also compare the U.S. children to monolingual Spanish-speaking children in Mexico. Binary logistic regression analyses of 2,064 verb tokens produced by nine U.S. children and nine children in Mexico, ages 5;11 to 7 years old, show that the children are sensitive to linguistic factors that typically influence children’s Spanish subject pronoun expression in their respective communities. In addition, we find that the LA children’s subject pronoun expression is predicted by lexical frequency. A subsequent analysis of the LA children’s frequent verbs uncovers two phrases with high degrees of prefabrication, yo creo and yo no sé, which, we argue, obscure the LA children’s sensitivity to Reference, all while acting as central exemplars of a [1sg+cognitive verb] construction.

The lenition of Spanish intervocalic voiced stops, commonly grouped as /bdg/, has increasingly been examined within Spanish as a Heritage Language research. This study seeks to identify social, phonetic, and lexical factors that predict the degree of lenition of /bdg/ among heritage speakers of Spanish. We analyzed 850 intervocalic productions of /bdg/ by 20 adult Spanish heritage speakers of various generations in an oral word list production task. Using spectrographic analyses, productions were categorized as full approximant, tense approximant, and occlusive. Results from linear mixed-effects models indicated that the phonetic context and the number of family generations residing in the US significantly predicted the degree of lenition of intervocalic voiced segments while age of acquisition of Spanish, current contact hours, and cognate status did not predict changes in the degree of lenition. Specifically, as the speaker’s number of family generations residing in the US increased, fewer segments were lenited. We conclude that variations in /bdg/ lenition among heritage speakers of Spanish reflect the changes in pronunciation of other segments of heritage speakers over generations.

This study explores vocalic production and variation in 29 Spanish-English bilingual children and adults from Albuquerque, New Mexico. Linear mixed-effects models analyzed the effects of lexical stress, word position, phonetic context, Spanish use, and lexical frequency on the F1 (height) and F2 (frontedness) values of 2041 /i e a o u/ vowels. Importantly, results show that /u/ fronting is pervasive in both children and adults’ speech, but in contrast to adults’ more general /u/ fronting, children’s Spanish use also predicted atonic /u/ fronting. Expanding the range of data to include children also showed that children’s realizations displayed a generalized stress effect, whereby the atonic space was condensed compared to the tonic space. The generalized stress effect was absent among the adults. Changes in the degree of phonetic convergence between the adults and children are attributed to acquisitional paths and demographic changes in their community.

This study explores Spanish-English bilingual children’s acquisition of Spanish rhotics. The children’s productions are compared to a group of Spanish-English bilingual adults who represent the Spanish spoken in the same community: Albuquerque, New Mexico. In their narrations of a wordless picture-book, both children and adults produce more non-canonical than canonical variants. Binary logistic regressions run on 817 rhotics produced by 21 children, ages 3-9-years-old, and 6 adults demonstrate that non-canonical variants, instead of canonical variants are more likely to occur as Spanish use increases and in word medial position. The results point towards the propagation of a working change in Spanish rhotics that sees both articulatory and sociolinguistic motivations. Implications for research on phonetic-phonological development are also discussed