The steep rise in U.S. criminal punishment in recent decades has spurred scholarship on the collateral consequences of imprisonment for individuals, families, and communities. Several excellent studies have estimated the number of people who have been incarcerated and the collateral consequences they face, but far less is known about the size and scope of the total U.S. population with felony convictions beyond prison walls, including those who serve their sentences on probation or in jail. This article develops state-level estimates based on demographic life tables and extends previous national estimates of the number of people with felony convictions to 2010. We estimate that 3 % of the total U.S. adult population and 15 % of the African American adult male population has ever been to prison; people with felony convictions account for 8 % of all adults and 33 % of the African American adult male population. We discuss the far-reaching consequences of the spatial concentration and immense growth of these groups since 1980.

This review assesses the current state of knowledge about monetary sanctions, e.g., fines, fees, surcharges, restitution, and any other financial liability related to contact with systems of justice, which are used more widely than prison, jail, probation, or parole in the United States. The review describes the most important consequences of the punishment of monetary sanctions in the United States, which include a significant capacity for exacerbating economic inequality by race, prolonged contact and involvement with the criminal justice system, driver's license suspension, voting restrictions, damaged credit, and incarceration. Given the lack of consistent laws and policies that govern monetary sanctions, jurisdictions vary greatly in their imposition, enforcement, and collection practices of fines, fees, court costs, and restitution. A review of federally collected data on monetary sanctions reveals that a lack of consistent and exhaustive measures of monetary sanctions presents a unique problem for tracking both the prevalence and amount of legal financial obligations (LFOs) over time. We conclude with promising directions for future research and policy on monetary sanctions.

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Researchers estimate fatherhood rates in the adolescent offender population at 25-28%, as opposed to 4-7% in the nonoffending juvenile population (Nurse, 2001;Unruh et al., 2004). The significant number of teen fathers who are incarcerated poses economic, social, and other considerations for their children as well as the offenders' potential to successfully transition to adult roles and responsibilities and desist from criminal activity. Thus the co-occurrence of juvenile delinquency and adolescent fatherhood creates the need for empirical research that can inform social work practice strategies with these young fathers and their children.Only minimal research to date has investigated how fatherhood affects youthful offenders' criminal trajectories. Several studies analyzing quantitative data from longitudinal studies show that juvenile offenders who are fathers are significantly more likely to recidivate than those who are not, even though they may express confidence in their ability to be good fathers (