There has been a long‐standing debate over whether a college education for police officers is desirable or even necessary. Today, with the ever‐expanding complexity of the police role and the transition toward community policing, this question is more significant than ever. A zenith of interest and debate over the requirement of higher education for officers was reached in the 1970s, but it soon died out. However, a quickly changing social landscape, changing job role, rapid technological advancement, domestic terrorism and increased scrutiny have combined to renew the debate over higher education. This article attempts to synthesize past literature and bring the discussion up to date. Finally, the authors will advocate a position that would require a bachelor's degree for police officers over time, using a graduated timetable and supported by federal funding.

In this article we examine the relationships between media exposure (television and newspaper) and drug addiction spending attitudes. Theory and research suggest the critical role of media for shaping views and influencing public opinion. However, no studies have considered media's impact for individual-level drug-related attitudes. We examine this using General Social Survey and other data from 1975 to 2004. Results from logistic regression analyses indicate that greater frequency of television viewing and of newspaper reading are associated with higher likelihoods of saying too little money is spent to address addiction. These findings are robust even when accounting for other factors.

This study provides an exploratory quantitative examination of wrongful criminal conviction. Certain legal factors and perhaps some non-legal factors are related to wrongful conviction. Using data pertaining to all known exonerations in the United States from 1989 to 2012, we explore the extent to which deoxyribonucleic acid (DNA) testing and/or race of a convicted innocent are related to that person's exoneration. Controlling for race, the availability of DNA testing increases the likelihood of exoneration for murder or sexual assault. We also find that race is a significant factor in the wrongful conviction and exoneration of Blacks for murder or sexual assault. This finding regarding race warrants further research. The role of DNA in exonerating the innocent is critical to public policy proposals aimed at reducing wrongful conviction. Understanding how DNA may prevent and correct wrongful conviction is crucial because conviction of factually innocent defendants represents the ultimate failure of justice.

We enhance understanding of the prejudice-induced “color coding” phenomenon among whites by determining whether racial and ethnic prejudices are associated with a previously unexplored policy outcome, spending on drug rehabilitation. We examine attitudes toward both blacks and Latinos; the latter is a group largely ignored in previous research. We assess the impact of several types of racial/ethnic views, including those that manifest modern/indirect prejudice (e.g., stereotypes about violence, individualistic causal attributions) and those that reflect social-distance-based traditional prejudice (opposition to residential proximity and to interracial marriage). These relationships are examined using data from the General Social Survey. Bivariate results support the linkage between both traditional and modern prejudice and rehabilitation spending. Logistic regression analyses also indicate that support for rehabilitation is racialized: Attributing race differences in socioeconomic outcomes to “structural” factors, namely discrimination and lack of chance for education, is associated with believing rehabilitation spending is inadequate, controlling for the effects of other racial/ethnic attitudes and background factors. The relationship between this measure of modern prejudice and the outcome is consistent with color coding. The implications of the findings are discussed, and suggestions for future research that further examine the scope of color coding are offered.

Critics argue that the G.W. Bush administration deliberately misled the U.S. public about an Iraqi threat after 9/11 but empirical evidence that presidential deception influenced public support for war has been lacking. An examination of presidential rhetoric concerning Iraq in the U.S. media revealed that it changed in tone after 9/11, consistent with moral panic processes. Logistic regression analysis of public opinion leading up to the war revealed that shifts in support for invasion directly mirrored presidential rhetoric. The findings of this study suggest that the Bush administration engineered a moral panic over Iraq with the support of the media.