Nataliе’s Ramonda, a symbol of Armistice Day – November 11 in Serbia, is a new memorial symbol constructed and promoted by politicians in 2012. The Armistice Day was celebrated then as a national holiday in Serbia. The reception of this symbol has been explored over a five-year period, both in a public discourse and on a representative sample of first year students at the Faculty of Philosophy in Belgrade. In public discourse, as well as among students of the Faculty of Philosophy, Natalie’s Ramonda is perceived as an emblem, a badge, and most often as a symbol. It was seen as an emblem on the lapel of public and media figures, inaccessible to broad commercial promotion and sales. In public discourse and among students at the Faculty of Philosophy, Natalie’s Ramonda was perceived in several answers as a medal, and is also recognized as a flower that symbolizes the suffering of the Serbian people in World War One; symbol of the nation’s rebirth – the flower phoenix, as a mark of peace and freedom. As a newly constructed symbol of the Armistice Day in Serbia, for the past seven years, Natalie’s Ramonda has been a mediator in the public culture of remembrance and in the ongoing process, by becoming a part of cultural memory.

The paper presents the results of several years’ fieldwork among the elderly population in Belgrade. The study examines the attitudes towards old age of elderly Belgraders living alone, those living with their families, and also those living in the Gerontology Center nursing home. The position of elderly people in the social network in the Belgrade municipality of Vračar is also explored. In this era of longevity and at a time of global economic crisis which is also affecting Serbia, it would be useful to reconsider the concepts of successful aging, well-aging and healthy aging.

Manastiri Srpske pravoslavne crkve na Internetu:novi oblici religijskih i duhovnih interakcija posredstvom Fejsbuka* Apstrakt: Virtuelni svet Interneta prepoznat je kao potencijalno inovativan način verskog izražavanja. Kompjuterski posredovana religijska komunikacija je relevantno polje istraživanja početkom XXI veka i značajan izvor za ispitivanje religijskog identiteta, zajednica i ritualne upotrebe Interneta. Na primeru dva manastira Srpske pravoslavne crkve pokušaćemo da sagledamo nove načine na koje crkva posreduje u komunikaciji vernika sa Bogom, kao i nove oblike duhovnih interakcija posredstvom fejsbuka. U prvom delu rada opisan je izgled i sadržaj različitih oblika komunikacije pravoslavnih manastira i crkava koji se pojavljuje na Internetu. U drugom delu rada tematski je grupisan i analiziran vizuelni materijal koji postavljaju korisnici Fejsbuka, sadržaj poruka i opisi njihovog religijskog i duhovnog iskustva, njihovo ponašanje, odnosno da li i u kojoj meri članovi jedne FB (Facebook) grupe "lajkuju", dele i komentarišu određene sadržaje.Ključne reči: manastiri, Srpska pravoslavna crkva, Internet, Fejsbuk (Facebook), onlajn (online) religija Uvod Virtuelni svet Interneta prepoznat je kao potencijalno inovativan način verskog izražavanja, kao novi prostor za misionarski rad, kako institucionalnih tako i vaninstitucionalnih oblika religije. Istraživanja u američkoj katoličkoj kongregaciji pokazuju da 73% vernika želi da njihovi sveštenici i biskupi ko-* Tekst je rezultat rada na projektima MNTR br. 177018 i MNTR br. 177035 koje u celosti finansira Ministarstvo prosvete, nauke i tehnološkog razvoja Republike Srbije.

Le travail étudie le rapport du masque et du mythe en s’interrogeant dans quelle mesure l’analyse correspondante de Claude Lévi-Strauss peut nous éclairer sur le champ sémantique complexe des masques dans une partie de l’Amérique du Nord. Claude Lévi-Strauss a mis en relief dans ses travaux la structure complexe du mythe. La complexité peut être suivie aussi bien sur le plan de l’expression que sur celui du contenu et de la signification des masques Salish, Kwakiutl et d’autres masques uniques de cette partie de l’Amérique du Nord. Claude Lévi-Strauss a analysé les mythes en s’efforçant d’expliquer la voie des masques chez des peuples proches par leur langue, ou des peuples avoisinants. La mythologie Tsimshian, Tlingit et Haïda contient certains motifs qui renvoient à des groupes voisins (Salish). En dépit des différences concernant la signification des masques, il existe un "patrimoine mythologique" commun aux peuples de la côte Nord du Pacifique. Claude Lévi-Strauss a une fois de plus démontré que l’étude des mythes ne représente pas le véritable point de départ de l’analyse, et que l’on ne peut par la décomposition des problèmes percevoir une quelconque unité cachée. "Comme la pensée mythique ne tient pas à fixer clairement son point de départ ni son point d’arrivée, elle ne parcourt jamais toute sa trajectoire: il lui reste toujours quelque chose à accomplir. Comme les rites, les mythes sont interminables". Il semble que l’explication de La Voie des masques faite par Lévi-Strauss va également dans ce sens-là.

One of the events that marked the last decade of the 20th century was a more intensive re-evaluation of the work of Marcel Griaule (1898-1956), who was the first French ethnologist to conduct planned field research among the Dogon of Western Africa, in the period between 1931 and 1956. Griaule’s work had previously been re-examined in the sixties, in France (Georges Balandier), Great Britain (Mary Douglas) and in other places. British social anthropologists had put forward a critique of Griaule’s field methods, concentrating on his use of translators and work with privileged informants. Van Beek’ repeated study from 1991 started the new wave of polemic that came to include Griaule’s old critics, associates and relatives. Some of the participants in this debate interpreted Van Beek’s “attack” on Griaule as - inspired by Freeman’s critique of Mead, and the general trend of reevaluations - of anthropology’s leading figures at the close of the 20th century. The objective of Van Beek’s repeated study was to evaluate the reliability of Griaule’s findings. Van Beek emphasized three groups of errors in Griaule’s research: 1) the scarcity of data; 2) the unverifiability of data; 3) the inappropriateness of analyses. Van Beeks’ repeated study did not reach the level of controversy that followed the Mead-Freeman polemic in the eighties. On the other hand, it puit forward an important question on whether French anthropology can face selfcriticism, and established Dutch academic presence in Western Africa The French advocates of “New Dogon anthropology” focus their research on time “before Ogotemmêli” and “after Ambara”. Another important improvement represents the inclusion of local Dogon scholars