It should come as no surprise that prisons can become breeding grounds for radicalisation and terrorism [1]. In many cases, extremist ideologies can flourish in prisons through recruiting vulnerable inmates to follow their path. Despite being a popular topic among researchers and policymakers, there still remain significant gaps in our understanding and many unanswered questions. This paper provides an overview on prisoner radicalisation, specifically exploring the role religion plays in prison and its link to radicalisation, prisoner vulnerability to radicalisation and the radicalisation process. The paper also outlines the current debate regarding where is the best place to house terrorist prisoners (isolation vs. separation). The paper concludes by identifying the major gaps in the literature and offers concluding remarks.

Police corruption networks, hidden within the police organisation, rely on a core set of relationships reinforced by an embedded police culture of exclusivity and silence. The opaque nature of these networks, coupled with the norms that support the hidden goals and agendas of corrupt police officers, provides a firm foundation for corruption to prosper and flourish.Previous research has demonstrated that police corruption cannot be explained by a few 'bad apples', instead prior studies show that corrupt police officers collaborate and collude together to operate effectively and remain hidden within the broader police organisation (Fitzgerald, 1989;Lauchs, Keast, & Chamberlain, 2012;Lauchs, Keast, & Le, 2011;Lauchs, Keast, & Yousefpour, 2011;Wood, 1997). Additionally, more recent studies have demonstrated that corrupt officers operate within a network structure (i.e., an established pattern of relationships and exchanges), which allows officers to gain access to new resources, capabilities, opportunities and connections not readily available if these officers engaged in corrupt behaviour in isolation Lauchs, Keast, & Yousefpour, 2011;Lauchs & Staines, 2012). As a consequence of this collaboration, secrecy, loyalty, trust and reputation are significant elements that bond officers together, allowing them to operate covertly. Accordingly, because of this gap in the literature, the current research aimed to investigate why police officers engage in corruption, the role of trust in facilitating and bonding officers together to allow them to participate in large-scale or serious corruption, and the network structures that result from these relationships.Given the intent of the study is to investigate the complexities and characteristics of police corruption, a single embedded case study design was chosen to present a unique and focused investigation around this phenomenon. Documentary and social network analysis were used to examine the structures of these networks, as well as to provide an in-depth investigation of the factors that aid the operation of these police corruption networks. The overall findings of the study reveal that officers collaborated and operated under a network structure reinforced by a subculture of unwritten rules, codes and acceptance by senior officers. This network was found to be dynamic, shifting in structure, membership and activity, but remained highly clustered and cohesive around a few core actors in the network. Additionally, the corruption network operated on relationships based on collaborations of trust. Officers used trustworthiness attributes, personal experience and third party information to assess whether a fellow officer was trustworthy enough to be a member of the corruption network, which resulted in a 3 'pipeline' of trust. This pipeline of trust was essential for the development and daily functioning of the network, because it allowed members involved to operate with more confidence knowing that fellow members could be trusted to keep the corrupt activities hidden.A...