Summary Background Reliable information on the incidence of induced abortion in India is lacking. Official statistics and national surveys provide incomplete coverage. Since the early 2000s, medication abortion has become increasingly available, improving the way women obtain abortions. The aim of this study was to estimate the national incidence of abortion and unintended pregnancy for 2015. Methods National abortion incidence was estimated through three separate components: abortions (medication and surgical) in facilities (including private sector, public sector, and non-governmental organisations [NGOs]); medication abortions outside facilities; and abortions outside of facilities and with methods other than medication abortion. Facility-based abortions were estimated from the 2015 Health Facilities Survey of 4001 public and private health facilities in six Indian states (Assam, Bihar, Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh, Tamil Nadu, and Uttar Pradesh) and from NGO clinic data. National medication abortion drug sales and distribution data were obtained from IMS Health and six principal NGOs (DKT International, Marie Stopes International, Population Services International, World Health Partners, Parivar Seva Santha, and Janani). We estimated the total number of abortions that are not medication abortions and are not obtained in a health facility setting through an indirect technique based on findings from community-based study findings in two states in 2009, with adjustments to account for the rapid increase in use of medication abortion since 2009. The total number of women of reproductive age and livebirth data were obtained from UN population data, and the proportion of births from unplanned pregnancies and data on contraceptive use and need were obtained from the 2015–16 National Family Health Survey-4. Findings We estimate that 15·6 million abortions (14·1 million–17·3 million) occurred in India in 2015. The abortion rate was 47·0 abortions (42·2–52·1) per 1000 women aged 15–49 years. 3·4 million abortions (22%) were obtained in health facilities, 11·5 million (73%) abortions were medication abortions done outside of health facilities, and 0·8 million (5%) abortions were done outside of health facilities using methods other than medication abortion. Overall, 12·7 million (81%) abortions were medication abortions, 2·2 million (14%) abortions were surgical, and 0·8 million (5%) abortions were done through other methods that were probably unsafe. We estimated 48·1 million pregnancies, a rate of 144·7 pregnancies per 1000 women aged 15–49 years, and a rate of 70·1 unintended pregnancies per 1000 women aged 15–49 years. Abortions accounted for one third of all pregnancies, and nearly half of pregnancies were unintended. Interpretation Health facilities can have a greater role in abortion service provision and provide quality care, including post-abortion contraception. Interventions are needed to expand access to abortion services through better equipping existing facilities, ensuring adequate and continuous suppl...
With access to prevention of parent-to-child transmission (PPTCT) and antiretroviral therapy (ARV), people living with HIV/AIDS are better able to consider childbearing and parenthood. However, there is limited understanding of the reproductive healthcare needs and the impact of infection on the fertility desires of women living with HIV/AIDS. Research on the relationship between fertility and HIV/AIDS has been largely clinical, focusing on the ability of women living with HIV/AIDS (WLHA) to conceive or their pregnancy outcomes. This paper describes the findings of a qualitative study undertaken in Namakkal district, Tamil Nadu, India that aimed to explore fertility desires, intentions and fertility decision-making in WLHA and the barriers they face in fulfilling these desires. In-depth interviews were held with selected 43 currently married WLHA aged 18-35 years and 10 key informants. The women were classified according to whether or not they had living children and, within that, whether they had experienced abortion, wanted more or any children or were pregnant. The main factors distinguishing women who wanted to have a child and those who did not were their levels of anxiety about the future and available family support. Women who indicated that they did not have family support and were stigmatised by the family were reluctant to opt for a pregnancy as they were not sure of the future, including child care in event of parental death. In contrast, those women who decided to have a child did so based on family support, especially when family members offered to take care of the child in the future in the event of parental death. Awareness and access to PPTCT and ARV was another key factor guiding the final decision on child bearing. Findings highlight the need for further research on issues faced by WLHA in fulfilling their fertility desires and intentions and for programmes that both enable WLHA to exercise informed choice in meeting their fertility desires and sensitise healthcare providers about these needs.
Studies suggest that the experiences of unmarried young women seeking abortion in India differ from those of their married counterparts, but the evidence is limited. Research was undertaken among nulliparous young women aged 15-24 who had abortions at the clinics of a leading NGO in Bihar and Jharkhand. Over a 14-month period in 2007-08, 246 married and 549 unmarried young abortion seekers were surveyed and 26 who were unmarried were interviewed in depth. Those who were unmarried were far more likely to report non-consensual sexual relations. As many as 25% of unmarried young women, compared to only 9% of married young women, had had a second trimester abortion. The unmarried were far more likely to report non-consensual sexual relations leading to pregnancy. They were also more likely to report such obstacles to timely abortion as failure to recognise the pregnancy promptly, exclusion from abortion-related decision-making, seeking confidentiality as paramount in selection of abortion facility, unsuccessful previous attempts to terminate the pregnancy, and lack of partner support. After controlling for background factors, findings suggest that unmarried young women who also experienced these obstacles were, compared to married young women, most likely to experience second trimester abortion. Programmes need to take steps to improve access to safe and timely abortion for unmarried young women. ©2010 Reproductive Health Matters. All rights reserved.Keywords: unplanned pregnancy, abortion services, marital status, adolescents and young people, India P RE-MARITAL sexual relations have increasingly been documented in India, 1,2 and studies suggest that few young people are using condoms or any other contraceptive method consistently, risking unintended pregnancy. A recent study among unmarried college students, for example, found that 8-12% of sexually experienced young women or girlfriends of sexually experienced young men had ever had an unintended pregnancy and all of these pregnancies had been terminated. 3 Evidence on the abortion-related experiences of unmarried young women is sparse. 4 Several facility-based studies from India have suggested that young and unmarried women constitute significant minorities of all abortion patients, 4-10 that young abortion seekers are more vulnerable than adult women seeking abortion 4 and that those who are unmarried and young are even more vulnerable than their married counterparts, in that they are more likely to delay seeking an abortion and to go to unqualified providers. 11 163 Few studies, (with one exception 4 ) have explored other aspects of the abortion-seeking experience related to being young and unmarried.We aimed to shed light on the experiences of unmarried young abortion-seekers aged 15-24, compare their experiences with those of their married counterparts, and explore the proximate factors leading to delays in them obtaining abortions into the second trimester. Data were obtained from facilities in two poorly developed neighbouring states in north Ind...
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