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Strangely, the foreigner lives within us: he is the hidden face of our identity, the space that wrecks our abode, the time in which understanding and affinity founder. By recognizing him within ourselves, we are spared detesting him in himself. A symptom that precisely turns 'we' into a problem, perhaps makes it impossible, the foreigner comes in when the consciousness of my difference arises, and he disappears when we all acknowledge ourselves as foreigners, unamenable to bonds and communities.-Julia Kristeva 1 When we put together the call for papers for this journal issue, inspired by prompts from Marisa Zanotti, we were thinking simply of what goes on beyond the frame. As Charles Atlas remarked in an interview, "I wanted to explore things that related to my life; less about the studio, more about what's outside the studio."2 We were thinking of such questions as: What are the networks and support structures that enable each of us to do our work? What communities do we draw from creatively and intellectually? Who are audiences and interlocutors for our work? We were not explicitly thinking of global politics, and yet, a theme such as community invites us to reflect more broadly on the boundaries of the communities to which we belong or with which we identify, the stakes inherent in those identifications, and the mutual responsibility that attends investments in a community and its identity.In the past weeks and months leading up to this journal issue, the 'international community' has expressed concern over Greece's financial well-being, Russia's operations in the Ukraine, Ebola outbreaks in West Africa, #blacklivesmatter protests throughout the United States, the drowning deaths of 900 souls trying to reach Europe from Libya, and thousands dead in Nepal after a devastating earthquake. Each of these scenes of chaos, vulnerability, catastrophe, and pain asks us to consider: what is community, and how far does it extend? What is the 'we' implicit in community as both its promise (premise) and its impossibility? How far can intention toward community reach before fellow-feeling transforms into xenophobia, or before the support we lendThe International Journal of Screendance 5 (2015).

This paper demonstrates the need to anticipate employers’ future skills requirements, and shows how London Skills Forecasting Unit is addressing this problem. The paper first suggests that employers require advice and labour market intelligence in order to determine their skill requirements effectively, and to ensure their future competitiveness. It then shows that educational and training institutions also need to anticipate employers’ requirements, and so supply side institutions also need to anticipate employers’ skills demand. Finally, some theoretical evidence for skills forecasting is presented together with some practical developments of forecasting techniques undertaken by the Unit.

he object of this paper is to examine the introduction of classical reception facilities into Romano-British houses. This will provide new interpretations of the functions of rooms in some Romano-British villas. It will also enable us to make some observations concerning the changing behaviour patterns of the British elite. It is hypothesised that by the late antique period reception facilities and associated social behaviour were as those found anywhere in the Roman Empire. THE USE OF THE TERM 'VILLA' IN BRITISH ARCHAEOLOGY The term 'villa' has always been a difficult one for archaeologists of the Romano-British period. Early studies of Romano-British villas concentrated solely on mosaics and architecture. In the 1960s archaeologists reacted against this by stressing the agricultural role of the villa, and consequently applying the term villa to a wide range of buildings. 1 There is clearly a great cultural gap between a small homestead with a single building of circular or rectangular plan without any architectural pretension, and a house such as Woodchester. The debate centres on how to characterise this distinction. Some people have followed the etymology of Columella (De Re Rustica 1.6.1) in identifying a pars urbana and a pars rustica of the villa. 2 The former is then taken to mean any part of the complex which appears to be residential, while the latter is taken to be any buildings for which an agricultural function has been identified. This definition is useful since it can distinguish between functional parts of a villa. However it can also result in a somewhat arbitrary subdivision of a single site into two halves, in which every room has to be classified as agricultural or residential. This division seems to imply some segregation of high culture and menial activity, which in most Romano-British sites seems unlikely. An alternative approach is to envisage room arrangements in large Roman houses as designed to meet the needs of the owner and a wide range of visitors. 3 The subtle distinctions between the decor of reception rooms used for a variety of guests cannot be 1 For studies of the architectural school see A. Rivet (ed.), The Roman Villa in Britain (1969). By contrast M. Todd, The Coritani (1973), groups villas into three classes. The third class includes 'isolated aisled halls' (p. 77). 2 This is, for example, the starting-point of Carandini's social interpretation of Sette Finestre, A. Carandini et al, Sette Finestre: una villa sciavistica nell'etruria romana (1985). 3 The most important study to adopt this argument is A. Wallace-Hadrill, 'The social structure of the Roman house', PBSR lvi (1988), 43-97. For a more art historical interpretation along similar lines see E. Gazda (ed.), Roman Art in the Private Sphere (1991).

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