This article discusses the policies and strategies of the Indonesian government for preventing the influence of radical and extreme religious ideologies in schools and universities. In their survey, PPIM UIN Jakarta in 2019 and the Wahid Institute in 2020 found that Indonesian educational institutions, from high schools to universities, were vulnerable to the influence of extreme views and intolerance. This article examines a number of elements that play a strategic role in preventing violence and extremism in educational institutions, such as government regulations; education curriculum; and the role of internal and external stakeholders, including teachers, parents, students, government officials, and civil society. The authors argue that the strategies and policies of each university and school in preventing radicalism among students have different levels of effectiveness. Synergies involving stakeholders also contribute to the success and failure of securing educational institutions from the dangers of violence and extremism. The results of this study are based on in-depth interviews with a number of selected sources. This paper recommends the need to synchronize strategies and policies related to the prevention of extremism and violence in educational institutions and the more effective participation of all stakeholders. Keywords: preventing violence–extremism, educational institutions, strategies, policies, effectiveness

Malaysia's democracy has come under attack due to the radicalisation of young and first-time voters on social media platforms. The widespread usage of TikTok as a primary campaign battleground by the political parties during the 15th General Election (GE-15) marks the anomaly pattern of first-time youth voters. Moreover, having social media influencers courting youth voters as a pawn in the electoral war is considered an accentuation of provocation of hate speech, endangering the prospect of moderate democracy in Malaysia. This commentary studies such anomalies by interviewing youth from varying socio-economic standing and educational backgrounds across Malaysia. Our research note highlights two crucial areas of unexplored terrain for future research. The first is the immediate need to invest in an emancipatory discourse of civic and political education and unabated expansions of democratic space and rights. Secondly, alarming concerns of electoral terrorism and hate speech via social media unravelled the under-research angles or assumed organic political divisions between analogue generations of corrupted warlords versus digital politics of technocratic youth savvy. Inadvertently, our observation of the 15th GE has discerned an increasing political worrisome pattern of widespread manipulative tendency by politicians, including using Industrial Revolution 4.0 (IR 4.0) technology to predict the voting pattern and understand the population sentiment through social media. We also concluded that tactics employed by the cyber troopers of political parties have significantly manipulated and poisoned the neutrality and perspectives of first-time youth voters.

The objective of this study was to explore the implementation of the SURE-P intervention on primary healthcare among the selected local government areas of Niger State, Nigeria. In these local governments, the primary health centers are not enough, and the existing ones are dilapidated with the absence of facilities needed to operate effectively. To access medical services, some communities must travel long distances, resulting in high mortality rates. This study examined the perceptions of Desk Officers regarding implementing the SURE-P intervention in primary healthcare among the selected local government. A descriptive design within the qualitative tradition was used in the Study. Thirteen SURE-P desk officers from the state and selected local governments were purposively selected as participants for this study. Semi-structured interviews were used to collect data, and a thematic framework was used for interpretation. The results revealed that the primary healthcare SURE-P initiative had improved access to medical facilities across the selected local governments, resulting in a slide reduction in maternal motility. Furthermore, there was a lack of adequate assessment of needs, insufficient funding, relatively low inclusion, and political pressure in the implementation process. Based on findings, it is recommended that the SURE-P intervention be sustained, adequately financed, that the community members' priority needs should be addressed, that the community members should be more inclusive, and track the implementation of the SURE-P intervention.

Federations thrived where levels of government exist and function based on shared rule and self-rule concurrently. Thus, a key defining feature of federalism is the assignment of responsibilities between component units such that each unit is assigned specific responsibilities within its jurisdiction. However, in Nigeria, the disproportionate distribution of responsibilities and resources amongst the component units had resulted in a dysfunctional federation. By virtue of the provision of section 7 of 1999 Constitution, Supreme Court's judgements and extra-judicial pronouncements, local governments are under the "supervisory control" of the State Governments (SGs). However, the extent to which this supervisory control is exercised has been at the front burner of every discourse on Nigerian politics and particular governance challenges. While examining state-local governments relations from both legal and operational viewpoints, this paper illustrates how the SGs wore away the intent of the framers of the Constitution, which is to institute a system of local government that is properly organised, monitored supervised by the SGs. A qualitative research approach was used. Data was collected via official documents, relevant literature, and interviews from officials of the SGs and local governments and experts selected purposively and conveniently. The paper established that local governments are failing simply because the SGs have failed to perform their responsibilities per the spirit of the Constitution and other extant laws. The article finally advocates for an efficient and effective local government system premise on the federal decentralise system. In doing that, it is important to stress that the existing legal aspect does require slight adjustment especially granting the Houses of Assembly of State and state judiciary reasonable autonomy to checkmate the excesses of the SGs. Moreover, accomplishing this will significantly restructure and improve the operational aspect of the relationship for a virile local government system.

Rural areas play an essential role in the national economy, the environment, and society, contribute to the preservation of cultural heritage and the sustainable income of peasants in the rural areas in Nigeria hence, diverse strategies for rural community development. However, rural community development efforts by local governments and policies hindered by challenges. SURE-P was an intervention by the government of Nigeria after the partial removal of the subsidy and resolved to invest the proceeds in pursuing rural development across Nigeria. Rural development is a multifaceted phenomenon that requires a policy with multi-side sword effects in curbing the challenges. The research objective was to examine the challenges of local government and SURE-P implementation on rural community development in the selected local government in Niger, Nigeria. The study employed primary data collection and qualitative analytical method analysis. The research founds that SURE-P implementation challenges hindered the local government’s efforts in meeting the rural community development objective. It is recommended that, need for thorough community’s needs identification, community participation, and adequate funding with a holistic process devoid of political interference as a viable mechanism for curbing rural development challenges.