The literature on Canadian English provides evidence of distinct dialect regions. Within this landscape, the province of British Columbia is set apart as a sub-region in the west, yet information concerning “local” English is notably skewed toward a single urban setting, Vancouver. To assess and extend the generalizability of prior observations, this paper targets the city of Victoria and situates the results from a large-scale sociolinguistic investigation within the model of the typical (western) Canadian city presented in Boberg (2008, 2010). We consider vocalic features characterized as either General Canadian or distinctively Western Canadian. We also consider “yod” (i.e., the presence of an onglide in student, tune, and the like), a conservative feature that is obsolescing across the nation. Our results support Boberg’s (2008, 2010) observations while positioning Victoria as both innovative—participating in national changes—and conservative—joining certain changes relatively recently and retaining older dialect features. Such results enable us to trace leveling to national and more local dialect patterns, while also reminding us of sociohistorical forces in the formation of dialects.

Media Lengua (ML), a mixed language derived from Quichua and Spanish, exhibits a phonological system that largely conforms to that of Quichua acoustically. Yet, it incorporates a large number of vowel sequences from Spanish which do not occur in the Quichua system. This includes the use of mid-vowels, which are phonetically realized in ML as largely overlapping with the high-vowels in acoustic space. We analyze and compare production of vowel sequences by speakers of ML, Quichua, and Spanish through the use of generalized additive mixed models to determine statistically significant differences between vowel formant trajectories. Our results indicate that Spanish-derived ML vowel sequences frequently differ significantly from their Spanish counterparts, largely occupying a more central region of the vowel space and frequently exhibiting markedly reduced trajectories over time. In contrast, we find only one case where an ML vowel sequence differs significantly from its Quichua counterpart—and even in this case the difference from Spanish is substantially greater. Our findings show how the vowel system of ML successfully integrates novel vowel sequence patterns from Spanish into what is essentially Quichua phonology by markedly adapting their production, while still maintaining contrasts which are not expressed in Quichua.

This study examines production of the vowels /æ/, /ɛ/, and /e/ among three different English-speaking ethnic populations in Manitoba, Canada, focusing on patterns of raising and vowel overlap in prevelar contexts. Although raising of /æ/ before /ɡ/ has been documented for the Prairies region of Canada generally, its specific occurrence in Manitoba as well as the occurrence of vowel merger(s) there has not previously been examined in detail. This study finds that pre-velar patterns are distinguished by coda voicing, with voiceless /k/ producing lowering and some retraction while voiced /ɡ/ and /ŋ/ produce similar raising and especially fronting patterns in preceding /æ/ and /ɛ/. Statistical analysis of spatial and temporal qualities shows that, while complete merger is not observed between any of the three vowels, there is much more substantial overlap in their productions before the voiced velars than in other contexts; in contrast, the voiceless velar /k/ is associated with productions which often substantially diverge from these. The results suggest that Manitoba speakers’ productions of these vowels share some features of other dialects with velar-affected productions, but the arrangement of these features in Manitoba may represent a unique configuration having a potential, incipient, or early-stage prevelar merger of /æ/ and /ɛ/, mainly without the participation of /e/. Social factors such as conservatism and extra-local affiliation are also found to play a role in production.

This study of Media Lengua examines production differences between mid and high vowels in order to identify the major correlates that distinguish these vowel types. The Media Lengua vowel system is unusual in that it incorporates lexical items originating in Spanish's five-vowel system into a three-vowel system inherited from Quichua, resulting in high degrees of overlap between the front versus back, mid and high vowel pairs /e, i/ and /o, u/ in F1xF2 space. As Media Lengua speakers utilize and differentiate between all five vowels despite the large degree of acoustic overlap between mid and high vowels, this raises the question of what other correlates beyond F1 and F2 might be involved. To address this, our study looks at a range of variables, both acoustic and qualitative, in a multi-method approach using both factor analysis for mixed data and linear mixed effects regression modelling. Each method provides a unique view on the correlates of vowel differentiation in Media Lengua. Taken together, our results indicate that Media Lengua speakers rely on both social and linguistic contextual cues to distinguish mid from high vowels, which overlap in acoustic space (F1 and F2).

This paper provides an acoustic description of /z/ and /zʕ/ in Tŝilhqot’in (Northern Dene). These sounds are noted by Cook (1993, 2013) to show lenition and some degree of laterality in coda position. Based on recordings made in 2014 with a single, mother-tongue speaker of Tŝilhqot’in, we describe their acoustic properties and examine their distribution as a function of prosodic position and segmental environment. We find that they vary along three dimensions: manner (fricative–approximant), degree of retraction (non-retracted–retracted), and laterality (non-lateral–lateral). In addition, some tokens have a characteristic ‘buzziness’, which has been associated with the Chinese front apical vowel (Shao & Ridouane 2018, 2019) and the Swedish ‘Viby-i’ (Westberger 2019). We argue that ‘lenition’ (Kirchner 2004, Ennever, Meakins & Round 2017) can only account for some of the observed variation and suggest that both /z/ and /zʕ/ are specified for two tongue articulations: tongue tip/blade and tongue body (Laver 1994), encompassing laterality (and concomitant retraction) in addition to the primary coronal gesture.