No abstract

This chapter examines the dynamics of the extreme fringe of Russian nationalism and the new challenges posed by the events in Ukraine. It presents the main ideological positions of the nationalists who flirt with totalitarianism and sheds light on the internal dynamics of the contemporary Russian nationalist scene, following the trajectory of activist Dmitrii Bobrov from his participation in Russian National Unity to the founding of his own organisations Shultz-88 and the National (People’s) Socialist Initiative (NSI). The latter worked in a network with the Movement against Illegal Migration (DPNI) and the Slavic Union. However, the war in Ukraine divided the nationalist movement into supporters and opponents of the Russian Spring/Novorossiia and of Vladimir Putin. NSI support for the Russian Spring contributed to the breakdown of the Russkie, the broadest ethno-nationalist coalition in Russia up to that point.

This article discusses how two similar far right movements in different political systems-Golden Dawn (GD) in democratic Greece and the Movement Against Illegal Immigration (DPNI) in authoritarian Russiaadapted their strategies and claims to better fit existing political contexts and how this affected the institutionalization of these movements. GD, a neo-Nazi movement formed in the 1980s, entered mainstream politics during the deep financial crisis of 2010, and since 2012 has consolidated its position as the third major opposition party. DPNI was founded in 2002; it had close connections with governing politicians and mobilized large xenophobic protests until it was banned in 2011. It then entered into a coalition with other far right groups under the banner of Russkie, cooperated with the liberals in the massive anti-fraud protests during 2011-2013, and tried to register as the Party of Nationalists, but failed and has now disbanded. While GD de-radicalized its anti-immigration claims to fit with the dominant discourse and exploited the financial crisis for its grass-root mobilization, DPNI changed its strategies and collaborated with its ideological opponents only after it had become very popular and faced with severe state repression. Our comparative analysis shows that far right movements adapt to their diverse environments in a manner similar to that of other anti-establishment movements regardless of contextwhether within a democratic or non-democratic regime.

No abstract

No abstract