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PurposeJoseph Alois Schumpeter's ideas are in the discussion agenda of various economists working in different theoretical traditions. However, several aspects of his work remain unexplored. In particular, the origin of his ideas in the context of the then prevalent economic theories of the German‐speaking camp, have not been widely discussed. The purpose of this paper is claim that the elaborations of certain German‐speaking heterodox economists and/or schools of economic thought may be traced in Schumpeter's oeuvre.Design/methodology/approachThe influence of the German Historical School and specifically of Gustav von Schmoller, Max Weber and Werner Sombart on typical Schumpeterian themes is examined. In a similar vein, it is argued that Schumpeter's analysis presents striking similarities with the works of the Austro‐Marxist Economist Rudolf‐Hilferding and the Austrian Social Democrat Emil Lederer.FindingsIn this context, certain Schumpeterian insights appear less original.Originality/valueConclusively, it may be inferred that a deeper understanding of Schumpeterian economic analysis presupposes an acquaintance with certain heterodox theoretical traditions of the German‐speaking world.

Lederer, Schumpeter, Economic growth, Technology, Business cycles,

The present study puts forward a plan for solving the sovereign debt crisis in the euro area (EA) in line with the interests of the working classes and the social majority. Our main strategy is for the European Central Bank (ECB) to acquire a significant part of the outstanding sovereign debt (at market prices) of the countries in the EA and convert it to zero-coupon bonds. No transfers will take place between individual states; taxpayers in any EA country will not be involved in the debt restructuring of any foreign eurozone country. Debt will not be forgiven: individual states will agree to buy it back from the ECB in the future when the ratio of sovereign debt to GDP has fallen to 20 percent. The sterilization costs for the ECB are manageable. This model of an unconventional monetary intervention would give progressive governments in the EA the necessary basis for developing social and welfare policies to the benefit of the working classes. It would reverse present-day policy priorities and replace the neoliberal agenda with a program of social and economic reconstruction, with the elites paying for the crisis. The perspective taken here favors social justice and coherence, having as its priority the social needs and the interests of the working majority.