The article analyses how robotisation as the latest advance in military technology can depersonalise the methods of killing in the 21st century by turning enemy soldiers and civilians into mere objects devoid of moral value. The departing assumption is that robotisation of warfare transforms military operations into automated industrial processes with the aim of removing empathy as a redundant 'cost'. The development of autonomous weapons systems raises a number of sharp ethical controversies related to the projected moral insensitivity of robots regarding the treatment of enemies and civilian population. The futurist vision of war as a foreign policy instrument entirely 'purified' of the risk of morally wrong actions is in opposition with the negative effects of the use of drones. The author concludes that the use of lethal robots in combat would eventually remove enemy soldiers and civilians from the realm of ethical reasoning and deprive them of human dignity. Decision to kill in military operations ought to be based on human conscience as the only proper framework of making decisions by reasoning whether an action is right or wrong. Robotic warfare: Towards removing prosocial behaviour as the 'cost' of military operations? Many archaeological finds depicts scenes of-as much as epic poetry and prose are telling stories about-famous military endeavours that show an even spatio-temporal distribution of use of force as a means of resolving disputes between groups, communities and nations. 1 Aside from the mythological and poetic hyperbole woven into such scenes, warfare as one of humanity's oldest social activities testifies to the ancient entwinement of tools, technology and creative thinking when it comes to the effective use of material and human resources made at moments of societal wealth available to the ruling elites. The main aim of military leaders has always 1 The article presents findings from a study conducted as a part of the project "Serbia in contemporary international relations: The strategic directions of development and consolidation of the position of Serbia in international integration-foreign policy, economics, legal and security perspectives" funded by the Ministry of Education, Science, and Techonological Development of the Republic of Serbia (grant No. OI179029).

The paper is an attempt to identify the basic characteristics and changes in the European migration flows in the last twenty years and to point to their possible implications on the changes in support to far right in West European countries. The analysis shows that it is almost impossible to generalize the characteristics of the migration flows and their effects since the general picture differs from country to country in the number of foreign population and their share in the total number of inhabitants of the EU members which are mostly receiving countries, the net immigration rate and the number of applications for asylum. Although the rounds of EU enlargement in 2004 and 2007 have not caused mass migrations within the Union, the political discourse of far right is just focused on immigration policy. The authors point to the fact that such a social milieu has been gradually created that can induce a part of followers of far right to resort to violence and to weaken consensual mechanisms of the multi-cultural West European societies for a long term

The article examines whether reflectivist approach to epistemology in the study of warfare can amend some weaknesses of the rationalist/positivist canon of mainstream International Relations (IR) theories. The author argues for the existence of a new epistemic situation for the IR researcher: an ontological transformation of the military profession in post-industrial societies that has created a sacralised civic duty to fight in war. The research of warfare is becoming more focused on the individual – who is either a reluctant combatant or a civilian victimised by military operations, but protected by international norms. The author hypothesises that the advantages of reflectivist epistemological viewpoint – embracing standpoint epistemology, situated knowledge, the concept of embodiment, Cynthia Enloe’s claim that “the international is the personal” – may provide a plausible alternative path in the quest for an answer to the question of how we learn about warfare as the central problem of international relations. The analysis shows how reflectivism encourages researchers to identify new, previously “hidden” or marginalised questions and thus expand the scope of inquiry of mainstream IR. The author concludes that, when it comes to the study of warfare in the early twenty-first century, the largest contribution of reflectivist approach to epistemology of IR is in overcoming the shortcomings of the traditionally rigid mainstream epistemological framework of the discipline, providing the grounds for future counter-hegemonic actions.

Rad analizira osnovna obeležja debate koja se na početku 21. veka vodi u okviru feminističkog pristupa proučavanju međunarodnih odnosa i pokušava da odgovori na pitanje da li njegove zagovornice i nastavljaju da ruše tradicionalne norme ove akademske discipline, daju inovativne uvide i osvetljavaju odnose moći skrivene u tzv. teorijama mainstream-a. Rad prikazuje najvažnija istraživačka pitanja i teme, osnovnu argumentaciju i njihovu genezu, te ukazuje na neslaganja i kritičko propitivanje pojedinih teorijskih stanovišta unutar samog feminističkog ogranka discipline međunarodnih odnosa. Autor zaključuje da, uprkos postojanom povećanju broja objavljenih radova i monografskih studija i jačanja uticaja u razdoblju od 2001. godine do danas, zastupnici feminističkih teorija i dalje vode borbu za svoje "mesto pod suncem" unutar glavnog toka izučavanja međunarodnih odnosa. Epistemološki doprinos feminističkih teorija ovoj akademskoj disciplini najbolje je sagledati u kontekstu disidentske inovativnosti kojom je "omekšan" tradicionalno rigidan okvir teorija mainstream-a proširenjem spiska legitimnih istraživačkih tema i uvođenjem postpozitivističkih metodoloških pristupa i tehnika. Ključne reči: teorije međunarodnih odnosa, feminizam, rodna politika, muškost, ženskost, politika tela. 1 Autor je naučni saradnik u Institutu za međunarodnu politiku i privredu, Beograd.

The author analyses how big business interests groups influence the both EU legislative and policy making process, and by doing so how they distort pluralistic concept of public policy networking at the supranational level of governance. The enormous financial resources available to multinational corporations provide them the use of 'front group' strategy or the 'third party' strategy, manipulative public relations tactics, and an insider position in the European Commission's consultative fora, which all lead to exclusion of grass root groups. The author concludes that big business influence on the EU decision-makers will have negative effects on democratic legitimacy of the EU institutions, and he thinks that an efficient institutional control over lobbying activities in Brussels is needed