Political stability is one of the paramount concepts in deeply divided and post-conflict societies, and its clearer determination in scientific literature is questionable for several reasons. First, the difference in political-social contexts of political stability is neglected, that is, the difference between the consolidated democratic societies and deeply divided/post-conflict societies with newly established or renewed democratic institutions, or a recently ended war. Secondly, due to the frequent normative elements, the ways of the operationalization of concepts are difficult to identify. Thirdly, political stability often serves as a synonym for the substantially different concepts, such as democratic stability, long-lasting peace and democratization. Political stability is a fundamental concept that more precisely emphasizes the problems faced by deeply divided and post-conflict societies, and precedes other concepts that can only be subsequently tested, provided there is a satisfactory level of stability. In this paper, we have applied a conceptual reconstruction of the term by extracting from the authoritative definitions forming a background concept of political stability, those basic elements that create a systematized concept adaptable to the generalization of cases of divided and post-conflict societies. Considering that the authoritative definitions refer to the political stability in stable democratic societies, we have extracted the most significant characteristics from the named definitions and inserted them into an appropriate theoretical framework. That theoretical framework emerges from debate on the institutional engineering and conflict management in deeply divided and post-conflict societies where institutional mechanisms of the distribution of political power take central place. In that way, we have reached a systematized concept of the stability of political institutions, where political institutions mean institutions which enable political elites of opposing groups to share the power. In the most general sense, it is a comprehensive concept of power sharing, containing sub-types, consociationalism and centripetalism. We have defined the concept of stability of political institutions as a stability of institutions of horizontal and vertical power which, as basic elements of institutional arrangements of power-sharing, enable its functioning and longevity. We have specified the meaning of stability of political institutions through the presence of three attributes or defining characteristics that attach meaning to the concept. Those three attributes are: 1) acceptance of the power-sharing political arrangement by political elites; 2) continuity of its constituent parts; 3) system?s ability to cope with changes coming from within or outside the system and which are aimed at its constituent parts. The concept of stability of political institutions, systematized in this way, is a guideline for a more accurate emphasis of a particular segment of political reality; it enables a theoretically more informative and distinct analysis.

This article theorizes and analyzes the process of government formation in multi-level settings. The post-Dayton Bosnia and Herzegovina is taken as a case study, as it represents an example of a multi-level and consociational political system and an ethnically divided and post-conflict society at the same time. Contrary to the theoretical findings arguing that congruence of ruling coalitions along different levels is desirable in multi-level settings, or where large coalitions in consociational arrangements are formed primarily for seat pooling due to the need to achieve a parliamentary majority, we argue that, in case of Bosnia and Herzegovina, a grand coalition was formed based on electoral power between the moderate and hardline parties. Such strategies were not always compatible with aspirations for congruent coalitions, nor did they always strive for coalitions of convenience.

In this paper the author analyzes the party system and structure of party competition in the Republic of Srpska, from the first postwar general elections for the National Assembly held in 1996, until the latest elections held in 2014. Based on Giovanni Sartori?s typology of party systems, the author classifies the party system in the Republic of Srpska and analyzes the structure of party competition by using Peter Mair?s theoretical framework. Determination of party system in the Republic of Srpska based on its numerical/ideological typology does not tell us much about the very essence of the party system. By means of Peter Meir?s three criteria, the author analyzes the structure of party competition which fosters a wider perspective of understanding the party system and defines its essence more precisely. Regardless of the various changes to which political parties are exposed, the very essence of the party system is manifested through tendency to gravitate towards stable patterns of party competition.

Političko-institucionalno uređenje predstavlja jedno od najvažnijih pitanja vezanih za podijeljena društva. Obzirom da se radi o politički nestabilnim društvima, veoma je važno na koji način se vlast može dijeliti i ko sve može učestvovati u toj vlasti. Prema tome, u radu se prikazuju različiti institucionalni modeli koji se primjenjuju u podijeljenim društvima, kao i uslovljenost takvih modela različitim društvenim i političkim kontekstima. U prvom poglavlju se pravi razlika između pluralnih i podijeljenih društava i naglašava se strukturalna specifičnost podijeljenih društava. Drugo poglavlje problematizuje demokratski princip vladavine većine u podijeljenim društvima. Zbog veoma osjetljivih političkih odnosa između društvenih segmenata, institucionalni aranžmani se ne mogu svesti isključivo na političku participaciju i kompeticiju već moraju osigurati i dodatne političke garancije, pogotovo za manjinske društvene segmente. Stoga, treće poglavlje daje prikaz institucionalnih modela dolaska na vlast i organizovanja vlasti. Ta tri modela su konsocijacijski, centripetalni i model razdvajanja vlasti, te su prikazani kroz oblik horizontalne i vertikalne organizacije vlasti, kao i tipa izbornog sistema. Budući da institucionalni okviri funkcionišu u različitim političkim i društvenim miljeima, u četvrtom poglavlju se ukazuje na uslovljenost institucionalnih modela različitim kontekstualnim faktorima koji pospješuju ili ograničavaju institucionalnu djelotvornost.

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