Men have got to be involved in the conversation. .. We shouldn't be afraid of the word feminist, men and women should use it to describe themselves anytime they want. .. That role we have as men in supporting and demanding equality and demanding a shift is really, really important. Justin Trudeau, Prime Minister of Canada Traditionally, gender equality interventions have tended to focus on either women (e.g., leadership training, mentoring programs), organisations (e.g., recruitment and promotion policies), or government policy (e.g., gender equality legislation). Recently this trend has begun to shift towards engaging men and male leaders as "champions of change." Examples include the

Social psychologists have not fully investigated the role of leadership in mobilizing widespread support for social change, particularly gender equality. The burden of achieving gender equality is typically placed on women (particularly female leaders) – the main targets of such inequality. Traditional approaches frame workplace gender equality as either a women’s issue, which limits men’s (non-target’s) involvement in the movement, or a meritocratic non-issue that exists due to women’s (target’s) tendency to pursue less intensive careers. In contrast to such work focusing on women’s experiences as targets of discrimination or men’s role in preserving inequality, we propose a solidarity-based approach that positions men and women as agents of change. This approach relies on two processes: leadership processes – particularly leadership as a form of influence based on shared identities among leaders and followers (e.g., their gender group); and political solidarity as a way to mobilize the silent majority (men) to work as allies beside a minority (women) and embrace equality as a common cause for both groups. In two experiments (Ns = 338, 336) we studied how leader gender and message framing affect men’s and women’s support for equality by contrasting a solidarity-based framing of gender equality as a common cause for men and women, with a women’s issue frame (Experiment 1) or a meritocratic frame (Experiment 2). The statement was attributed to a male or female leader (Experiments 1–2) or, additionally, to a government agency (Experiment 1). Women reported higher sense of common cause (Experiment 2) and collective action intentions than men (Experiments 1–2), and higher intentions under common cause compared to meritocracy frames (Experiment 2). Interestingly, male leaders invoked higher sense of common cause and collective action intentions for both men and women regardless of framing (Experiment 2). Irrespective of leader gender however, as predicted common cause framing boosted perceived leader prototypicality, legitimacy, and influence across the board (Experiments 1–2). Yet this was qualified by women (compared to men) rating leaders as more legitimate and influential under common cause compared to meritocracy framing (Experiment 2). Women’s reactions to equality messages, and the intersection of leadership and solidarity toward equality are discussed.

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An important distinction to make when assessing the impact of social media use on mental health is whether the use is passive (e.g., browsing) or active (e.g., posting). Recent research suggests that the connection between passive social media use and mental ill-being is inconsistent, with some research finding a significant negative association, while other research finds no such association. In the present research, we sought to investigate this relationship, as well as two potential moderators of this relationship: the subjective appraisal of social media content social media users consume (i.e., positively or negatively-appraised) and age of users. In a cross-sectional survey of Australian and United States Facebook users (N = 991), there was no direct relationship between passive use and mental ill-being, however user age and positive (but not negative) content appraisal were found to moderate the relationship between passive use and mental ill-being. Specifically, the relationship between passive use and mental ill-being became weaker as subjective positive appraisal increased, and it reversed to become negative at high levels of positive appraisal. Additionally, the positive relationship between passive use and mental ill-being became weaker as age of social media users increased, and the direction of this relationship became negative at the oldest ages of social media users. These results suggest that the relationship between social media use and mental ill-being is more nuanced than previous research suggests. In particular, higher amounts of passive Facebook use may have a less negative, or even a positive effect on social media users’ mental health when the content being (passively) consumed is positively appraised, or when users are older.