On college campuses across the United States, gaps in academic performance persist between first-generation and continuing-generation college students (i.e., students whose parents do not have 4-year college degrees and those who have at least one parent with a 4-year degree, respectively; Duncan & Murnane, 2011; Pascarella, Pierson, Wolniak, & Terenzini, 2004; Steele, 2010). In addition to financial or skill-based obstacles (Engle, 2007; Pascarella et al., 2004), first-generation students also face psychological obstacles that often result from the disconnect between the working-class cultural norms that are common among first-generation students and the largely middle-or upper-class norms that they encounter in college (Bourdieu & Passeron, 1990; Croizet & Millet, 2011; Stephens, Markus, & Phillips, 2014). This mismatch means that first-generation students rarely see themselves and their ways of being included in college settings and are relatively unfamiliar with the "rules of the game" that govern college life. As a result, first-generation students often struggle to feel a sense of social fit and empowerment on campus (Ostrove &
Recent research supports the existence of two faces of envy: malicious envy, characterized by the desire to bring an envy target down, and benign envy, characterized by the desire to bring oneself up to the level of an envy target. In the current study, we investigated discrepant high self-esteem (high explicit, low implicit self-esteem) and congruent high self-esteem (high explicit, high implicit) as antecedents of malicious versus benign envy, respectively. Participants with discrepant high self-esteem were particularly likely to rate a target negatively across a variety of attributes and as deserving to fail when the target was an upward rather than downward social comparison, consistent with malicious envy. In contrast, unlike other participants, those with congruent high self-esteem tended to persist longer at a difficult task after an upward rather than downward social comparison, potentially consistent with benign envy. These results suggest novel antecedents of the two faces of envy and novel consequences of self-esteem.
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