This study finds striking differences in attitudes toward union representation between union and nonunion workers in the U.S. labor force. Data from the National Longitudinal Survey of 1980 show that if a certification election were held at the workplace of the men aged 28 to 38 who were sampled, 87 percent of those already covered by a union contract said they would vote for union representation, whereas only 27 percent of the nonunion workers said they would do so. Among the nonunion workers, however, attitudes differed sharply by race and industry, as pro-union attitudes were more widespread among blacks than whites and among workers in government and construction than those in other industries. The author tested the effect of several possible determinants of attitudes, such as degree of job satisfaction, occupation, pay rate, and region of residence. Many of these factors were significantly related to union attitudes, but including them in a multivariate analysis did little to change the differences in attitude across industries.

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JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.. University of Wisconsin Press and The Board of Regents of the University of WisconsinSystem are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The Journal of Human Resources. ABSTRACTWhile the issue of teenage unemployment has received a great deal of attention by policy-makers and the popular press, there is little systematic research on the long-run effects of this experience. This study attempts to address this question by examining the influence of teenage unemployment on subsequent wage rates. Using the young men's cohort of the National Longitudinal Surveys, we find that for the average out-of-school youth, teenage unemployment has little effect on the wages earned as a young adult eight years later. In general, the experience is a positive one for white and black youth, though more so for the former. While extended teen unemployment diminishes these benefits for both races, only black youth suffer a drop in subsequent wages. There is indirect evidence that government training programs offset part of the effect of long-term teenage unemployment.

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